Life and times of Washington

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WASHINGTON AT TRENTON,

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LIFE AND TIMES
OF WASHINGTON

SCHROEDER-LOSSING

REVISED, ENLARGED, AND
ENRICHED: AND WITH A
SPECIAL INTRODUCTION
By EDWARD C. TOWNE, B. A.

VOLUME III

ALBANY .-. .'. .-. .'. .-. KEW YORK

M. M. BELCHER PUBLISHING CO.
1903

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HARVARD

[university]

LIBRARY
OCT 231964

Copyright, 1903,

Bv M. M. BELCHER PUBLISHING CO.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Vol. III.

PART IV— 1775-1783.

CHAP. PAOB.

IX. The Battles of Trenton and Princeton 987

X. Lord Howe Outgeneraled by Washington 1017

XL Washington Holds Howe in Check , 1069

Xn. Burgoyne's Defeat and Surrender IIQS

Xni. Washington at Valley Forge 1149

XIV. The Battle of Monmouth 1191

XV. Washington Directs a Descent on Rhode Island 1213

XVI. Washington Prepares to Chastise the Indians 1237

XVII. Washington's Operations in the Northern States 1255

XVIII. Campaign in the North — Arnold's Treason 1281

XIX. Operations at the South 1313

XX. Preparations for a New Campaign 1360

XXI. The Campaign at the South 1377

XXII. Continuation of the Campaign at the South 1398

XXIII. Washington Captures Comwallis 1412

XXIV. Final Events of the Revolution 1442

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Vol. IIL

VAOB.

Washington at Trenton Frontispiece,

Majca-General Bakon Steuben 1008

Philip Schuyler 1040

H(MtATio Gates 1072

Battle op Gerhantown 1104

Treason of Arnold 1152

Robert Morris 1200

Lee's Cavalry Skirmishing at the Battle of Guilford 1248

General FkANas Marion 1296

Major-General Nathanael Greene 1344

Alexander Hamilton 139a

Robert R. Livingston 1440

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PART IV.

[oomtuhved]

CHAPTER IX.

TRENTON AND PRINCBTX>N.

1776, 1777.

WHEN Washington, by his late masterly retreat
through the Jerseys, had completely baffled his
powerful enemy and saved his army from de-
struction he had still a most discouraging prospect before
him. It was indeed one of the gloomiest periods of his
whole life. The campaign, notwithstanding its brilliant
displays of courageous daring and unflinching fortitude in
the Commander-in-Chief, as well as many of the officers
and men, had been an almost uninterrupted series of dis-
asters and retreats. The enemy, since the evacuation of
Boston, had already not only gained possession of Staten
Island, Long Island, the city of New York, a portion of
the State of Rhode Island, and nearly the whole of the
Jerseys, but they were menacing Philadelphia with a force
perfectly adequate for seizing it, if they had been sensible
of their own power and the weakness of the American
army.

That army, in fact, was on the verge of dissolution, and
was only saved by the boldness, decision, and unceasing
activity of Washington. The pernicious system of short
enlistments, sickness, bad pay, and continual discourage-
ments, had reduced it to the mere shadow of an army. The
country too was discouraged and desponding. The proc-
lamation of the Howes, offering pardon and protection to

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988 WASHINGTON.

all who would accept them, had already drawn many men
of influence and wealth in the Jerseys to the standard of
the King, while others took the oath of allegiance and re-
mained at their homes. The sixty days allowed for ac-
cepting the offer of the Howes had nearly expired and a
still greater defection was imminent. It was a dark and
trying hour for the true patriot.

But "Washington stood firm." He must have known
that all depended on him. His calmness and full reliance
on the justice of the cause and the goodness of his Maker
never deserted him. He felt that his duty required him to
put forth all his resources of intellect and strength of will
to direct the ship through this perilous storm. For the
present emergency Congress, at a distance from the center
of action, was powerless to save. The time was come
when he must save the country by his own wonderful de-
cision of character. This is apparent from the following
letter to Congress, dated December 20, 1776:

" I have waited with much impatience to know the deter-
mination of Congress on the propositions, made some time
in October last, for augmenting our corps of artillery, and
establishing a corps of engineers. The time is now come
when the first cannot be delayed without the greatest in-
jury to the safety of these States; and, therefore, under
the resolution of Congress bearing date the 12th inst. (De-
cember, 1776), at the repeated instances of Colonel Knox,
and by the pressing advice of all the general officers now
here, I have ventured to order three battalions of artillery
to be immediately recruited. These are two less than
Colonel Knox recommends, as you will see by his plan in-
closed, but then this scheme comprehends all the United
States, whereas some of the States have corps already es-
tablished, and these three battalions are indispensably

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necessary for the operations in this quarter, including the
northern department.

" The pay of our artillerists bearing no proportion to
tliat in the English or French service, the murmuring and
dissatisfaction thereby occasioned, the absolute impossibil-
ity, as I am told, of getting them upon the old terms, and
the unavoidable necessity of obtaining them at all events,
have induced me, also by advice, to promise officers and
men that their pay shall be augmented 25 per cent., or
their engagements shall become null and void. This may
appear to Congress premature and unwarrantable. But,
sir, if they view our situation in the light it strikes their
officers, they will be convinced of the utility of the measure,
and that the execution could not be delayed till after their
meeting at Baltimore. In short, the present exigency of
our affairs will not admit of delay, either in council or the
field, for well convinced I am, that, if the enemy go into
quarters at all it will be for a short season. But I rather
think the design of General Howe is to possess himself
of Philadelphia this winter, if possible, and in truth I do
not see what is to prevent him, as ten days more will put
an end to the existence of our army. That one great point
is to keep us as much harassed as possible, with a view to
injure the recruiting service, and hinder a collection of
stores and other necessaries for the next campaign, I am
as clear in, as I am of my own existence. If, therefore, in
the short interval in which we have to provide for and
make these great and arduous preparations, every matter,
that in its nature is self-evident, is to be referred to Con-
gress, at the distance of a hundred and thirty or forty
miles, so much time must necessarily elapse as to defeat
the end in view.

" It may be said that this is an application for powers

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990 WASHINGTON.

that are too dangerous to be intrusted. I can only add
that desperate diseases require desperate remedies, and I
with truth declare that I have no lust after power, but I
wish with as much fervency as any man upon this wide-
extended continent for an opportunity of turning the sword
into the ploughshare. But my feelings, as an ofiicer and
a man, have been such as to force me to say that no person
ever had a greater choice of difiiculties to contend with
than I have. It is needless to add that short enlistments
and a mistaken dependence upon militia have been the
origin of all our misfortunes, and the great accumulation
of our debt. We find, sir, that the enemy are daily gather-
ing strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a
snow-ball by rolling will increase, unless some means can
be devised to check effectually the progress of the enemy's
arms. Militia may possibly do it for a little while, but in
a little while also, and the militia of those States which
have been frequently called upon will not turn out at all,
or if they do it will be with so much reluctance and sloth
as to amount to the same thing. Instance New Jersey!
Witness Pennsylvania! Could anything but the river
Delaware have saved Philadelphia! Can anything (the
exigency of the case indeed may justify it) be more destruc-
tive to the recruiting service than giving $io bounty for six
weeks' service of the militia, who come in, you cannot tell
how; go, you cannot tell when, and act, you cannot tell
where; consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and
leave you at last at a critical moment?

" These, sir, are the men I am to depend upon ten days
hence, this is the basis on which your cause will and must
forever depend till you get a large standing army suffi-
cient of itself to oppose the enemy. I therefore beg leave
to give it as my humble opinion that eighty-eight battalions

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are by no means equal to the opposition you are to make,
and that a moment's time is not to be lost in raising a
greater number, not less, in my opinion and the opinion of
my ofiicers, than no. It may be urged that it will be
found difficult enough to complete the first number. This
may be true, and yet the officers of no battalions will re-
cruit many more men than those of eighty-eight. In my
judgment this is not a time to stand upon expense, our
ftmds are not the only object of consideration. The State
of New York have added one battalion (I wish they had
made it two) to their quota. If any good officers will offer
to raise men upon Continental pay and establishment in
this quarter I shall encourage them to do so and regiment
them when they have done it. If Congress disapprove of
this proceeding they will please to signify it as I mean it
for the best. It may be thought that I am going a good
deal out of the line of my duty to adopt these measures
or to advise thus freely. A character to lose, an estate
to forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake, and
a life devoted must be my excuse."

This letter demonstrated to Congress the extreme peril
of the country and the sole means of deliverance. Jealous
as they had hitherto been of military power they no longer
hesitated to place it in the hands of Washington, and on
the 27th of December (1776) they passed the following act:

" The Congress, having maturely considered the present
crisis, and having perfect reliance on the wisdom, vigor,
and uprightness of General Washington, do hereby
Resolve, That General Washington shall be, and he is
hereby, vested with full, ample, and complete powers to
raise and collect together in the most speedy and effectual
manner, from any or all of these United States, sixteen
battalions of infantry in addition to those already voted

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992 WASHINGTON.

by Congress; to appoint officers for the said battalions
of infantry; to raise, officer, and equip 3,000 light horse,
three regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers, and
to establish their pay; to apply to any of the States for
such aid of the militia as he shall judge necessary; to form
such magazines of provisions, and in such places as he shall
think proper; to displace and appoint all officers under the
rank of brigadier-general, and to fill up all vacancies in
every other department in the American armies; to take,
wherever he may be, whatever he may want for the use
of the army, if the inhabitants will not sell it, allowing a
reasonable price for the same; to arrest and confine per-
sons who refuse to take the Continental currency, or are
otherwise disaffected to the American cause; and re-
turn to the States of which they are citizens, their names,
and the nature of their offenses, together with the wit-
nesses to prove them; and. That the foregoing powers be
vested in General Washington, for and during the term of
six months from the date hereof, unless sooner determined
by Congress/*

In acknowledging the resolves of Congress Washington
assured that body that all his faculties should be employed
to direct properly the powers they had been pleased to
vest him with, to advance those objects, and those only,
which had given rise to so honorable a mark of distinction.
" If my exertions," he said, " should not be attended with
the desired success, I trust the failure will be imputed to
the true cause — the peculiarly distressed situation of our
affairs, and the difficulties I have to combat — rather than
to a want of zeal for my country, and the closest attention
to her interests, to promote which has ever been my
study."

The powers conferred by the resolve of Congress were

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truly dictatorial. . But never before, nor since, did dictator
use such powers with such wisdom, moderation, and for-
bearance. Before this act had received the sanction of
Congress, however, events had taken place which gav?
new life and energy to the friends of liberty.

When Washington (says Gordon) retreated with a hand-
ful of men across the Delaware he trembled for the fate of
America, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy
could have saved.* Though they missed the boats, with
which they expected to follow him immediately into Pennsyl-
vania, yet Trenton and the neighborhood could have supplied
them with materials which industry might have soon con-
structed into sufficient conveniences for the transportation
of the troops over a smooth river, and of no great extent
in some places. But they were put into cantonments for
the present, forming an extensive chain from Brunswick
to the Delaware, and down the banks of the Delaware for
several miles, so as to compose a front at the end of the
line which looked over to Philadelphia.! Mr. Mersereau
was employed by the American general to gain intelligence
and provided a simple youth,! whose apparent defective-
ness in abilities prevented all suspicion, but whose fidelity
and attention, with the capacities he possessed, constituted
him an excellent spy; he passed from place to place, mixed

♦The General's words in his own letter.

t Marshall, speaking of the importance to Washington of obtain-
ing secret intelligence of the plans of Cornwallis, states that at
that critical moment, Mr. Robert Morris raised on his private
credit, in Philadelphia, «6500 in specie, which he transmitted to
the Commander-in-Chief, who employed it in procuring informa-
tion not otherwise to have been obtained. — " Life of Washington,"
Yol. I, p. 130.

t After having been employed some time in similar services,
the enemy gfrew suspicious of him, and upon that, without proof,
put him into prison, where he was starved to death.
63

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994 WASHINGTON.

with the soldiers, and, having performed his business, re-
turned with an account where they were cantoned, and
in what numbers. General Fermoy was appointed to re-
ceive and communicate the information to the Commander-
in Chief ; upon the receipt of it he cried out : " Now is our
time to clip their wings while they are so spread." But
before an attempt could be made with a desirable prospect
of success Washington was almost ready to despair while
he contemplated the probable state of his own troops within
the compass of ten days. He could not count upon those
whose time expired the ist of January, and expected that
as soon as the ice was formed the enemy would pass the
Delaware. He found his numbers on inquiry less than
he had any conception of, and while he communicated the
fact, thus charged his confidant. Colonel Reed : " For
heaven's sake keep this to yourself, as the discovery of it
may prove fatal to us."

Colonel Reed wrote the next day from Bristol, Decem-
ber 21 (1776), and proposed to the General the making of
a diversion, or something more, at or about Trenton, and
proceeded to say: "If we could possess ourselves again
of New Jersey, or any considerable part, the effect would
be greater than if we had not left it. Allow me to hope
that you will consult your own good judgment and spirit,
and let not the goodness of your heart subject you to the
influence of the opinions of men in every respect your in-
feriors. Something must be attempted before the sixty
days expire which the commissioners have allowed — for
however many affect to despise it, it is evident a very
serious attention is paid to it; and I am confident, that
unless some more favorable appearance attends our arms
and cause before that time, a very great number of the
militia ofiicers here will follow the example of Jersey, and

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take benefit from it. Our cause is desperate and hopeless
if we do not strike some stroke. Our affairs are hastening
apace to ruin if we do not retrieve them by some happy
event. Delay with us is near equal to a total defeat. We
must not suffer ourselves to be lulled into security and
inactivity because the enemy does not cross the river. The
love of my country, a wife and four children in the enemy's
hands, the respect and attachment I have to you, the ruin
and poverty that must attend me and thousands of others,
will plead my excuse for so much freedom."

Notwithstanding the great inferiority of his force, when
Washington received this letter, he had already formed
the daring plan of attacking all the British posts on the
Delaware at the same instant. If successful in all, or any
of these attacks, he hoped not only to wipe off the impres-
sion made by his losses and by his retreat, but also to re-
lieve Philadelphia from immediate danger, and to compel
his adversary to compress himself in such a manner as no
longer to cover the Jerseys.

The positions taken to guard the river were equally well
adapted to offensive operations.

The regulars were posted above Trenton from Yardley's
up to Coryell's Ferry. The Pennsylvania flying camp and
Jersey militia, under the command of General Irvine, ex-
tended from Yardley's to the ferry opposite Bordentown,
and General Cadwalader with the Pennsylvania militia lay
still lower down the river.

Writing to Colonel Reed on the 23d of December, Wash-
ington says: "Necessity, dire necessity will — nay, must
justify any attempt. Prepare, and in concert with Griffin,
attack as many posts as you possibly can with a prospect
of success. I have now ample testimony of the enemy's
intentions to attack Philadelphia as soon as the ice will

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996 WASHINGTON.

afford the means of conveyance. Our men are to be pro-
vided with three days* provisions, ready cooked, with which
and their blankets they are to march. One hour before
day is the time fixed upon for our attempt on Trenton. If
we are successful, which heaven grant! and other circum-
stances favor, we may push on. I shall direct every ferry
and ford to be well guarded, and not a soul suffered to
pass without an officer's going down with the permit."

In the plan of attack which had been digested, it was
proposed to cross in the night at M'Konkey's Ferry, about
nine miles above Trenton, to march down in two divisions,
the one taking the river road, and the other the Penning-
ton road, both which lead into the town; the first toward
that part of the western side which approaches the river,
and last toward the north. This part of the plan was to be
executed by Washington in person, at the head of about
2400 Continental troops. It was thought practicable to
pass them over the river by 12, and to reach the point of
destination by 5 in the morning of the next day, when
the attack was to be made. General Irvine was directed
to cross at the Trenton Ferry, and to secure the bridge be-
low the town in order to prevent the escape of the enemy
by that road. General Cadwalader was to pass over at
Dunk's Ferry and carry the post at Mount Holly. It
had been in contemplation to unite the troops employed
in fortifying Philadelphia to those at Bristol, and to place
the whole under General Putnam, but such indications
were given in that city of an insurrection in favor of the
royal cause that this part of the plan was abandoned. The
cold on the night of the 25th was very severe. Snow,
mingled with hail and rain, fell in great quantities, and so
much ice was made in the river that, with every possible
exertion, the division conducted by the General in person

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could not effect its passage until 3, nor commence its
march down the river till nearly 4. As the distance to
Trenton by either road is nearly the same, orders were
given to attack at the instant of arrival, and after driving
in the outguards to press rapidly after them into the town
and prevent the main body from forming.

Trenton was held by a detachment of 1,500 Hessians
and a troop of British light horse, the whole under the
command of Colonel Rahl,* a Hessian veteran, who (says
Gordon, in his lively description of the affair), " had re-
ceived information of an intended attack, and that the 2Sth,
at night, is thought to be the time fixed upon. His men
are paraded and his picket is looking out for it. Captain
Washington,! commanding a scouting party of about fifty
foot soldiers, has been in the Jerseys about three days with-
out effecting any exploit. He therefore concludes upon
marching toward Trenton ; advances and attacks the picket.
He exchanges a few shots and then retreats. As he is
making for the Delaware, on his return to Pennsylvania,
he meets with General Washington's troops (December 26,
1776). Conjecturing their design he is distressed with an
apprehension that by the attack he has alarmed the enemy
and put them on their g^rd. The enemy, on the other
hand, conclude from it after awhile, that this is all the at-
tack which is intended, and so retire to their quarters and
become secure; many get drunk."

While the enemy was thus lulled into security General
Washington, who accompanied the upper column, arriv-
ing at the outpost on that road precisely at 8, drove it in,
and in three minutes heard the fire from the column under

^ This name is spelt by some writers Rail, and by others Rawle.
t William A. Washington, afterward distinguished as a colonel
of cavalry.

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998 WASHINGTON.

Sullivan, which had taken the river road. The picket
guard attempted to keep up a fire while retreating but
was pursued with such ardor as to be unable to make a
stand. Colonel Rahl paraded his men and met the assail-
ants. In the commencement of the action he was mortally
wounded, upon which the troops, in apparent confusion,
attempted to gain the road to Princeton. General Wash-
ington threw a detachment into their front while he ad-
vanced rapidly on them in person. Finding themselves
surrounded and their artillery already seized they laid down
their arms and surrendered themselves prisoners of war.
About twenty of the enemy were killed and about i,ooo
made prisoners. Six field pieces and i,ooo stand of small-
arms were also taken. On the part of the Americans two
privates were killed, two frozen to death, and three or four
privates wounded. Captain Washington, who had returned
to the scene of action with General Washington's column,
and Lieutenant Monroe (afterward President of the United
States), were both wounded in capturing the enemy's
artillery.

Unfortunately the ice rendered it impracticable for Gen-
eral Irvine to execute that part of the plan which was al-
lotted to him. With his utmost efforts he was unable to
cross the river, and the road toward Bordentown remained
open. About 500 men, among whom was a troop of cav-
alry, stationed in the lower end of Trenton, availed them-
selves of this circumstance, and crossing the bridge in the
commencement of the action escaped down the river. The
same cause prevented General Cadwalader from attacking
the post at Mount Holly. With great difficulty a part of
his infantry passed the river, but returned on its being
found absolutely impracticable to cross with the artillery.

Although this plan failed in so many of its parts, the

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UFE AND TIMES, 999

success attending that which was conducted by Washing-
ton in person was followed by the happiest effects.

Had it been practicable for the divisions under Generals
Irvine and Cadwalader to cross the river, it was intended
to proceed from Trenton to the posts at and about Borden-
town, to sweep the British from the banks of the Dela-
ware, and to maintain a position in the Jerseys. But find-
ing that those parts of the plan had failed, and supposing
the British to remain in force below, while a strong corps
was posted at Princeton, Washington thought it unadvis-
able to hazard the loss of the very important advantage
already gained, by attempting to increase it, and recrossed
the river with his prisoners and military stores.* Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Baylor, his aide-de-camp, who carried the
intelligence of this success to Congress, was presented
with a horse completely caparisoned for service, and
recommended to the command of a regiment of cavalry.

Nothing could surpass the astonishment of Howe at
this unexpected display of vigor on the part of Washing-
ton. His condition and that of his country had been
thought desperate. He had been deserted by all the troops
having a legal right to leave him, and to render his situa-
tion completely ruinous nearly two-thirds of the Con-
tinental soldiers still remaining with him would be entitled
to their discharge on the ist day of January (1777). There
appeared to be no probability of prevailing on them to con-
tinue longer in the service, and the recruiting business was
absolutely at an end. The spirits of a large proportion
of the people were sunk to the lowest point of depression.

♦Before the Hessian prisoners were actually marched through
the streets of Philadelphia, the Tories in that city affected to
doubt the reality of any victory having been obtained by Wash-
ington. Probably no procession in Philadelphia was ever attended
with so much effect as this of th^ Hessian prisoner^,

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1000 WASHINGTON,

New Jersey appeared to be completely subdued, and some
of the best judges of the public sentiment were of opinion
that immense numbers in Pennsylvania also were deter-
mined not to permit the sixty days allowed in the procla-
mation of the Howes to elapse, without availing themselves
of the pardon it proffered. Instead of offensive operations
the total dispersion of the small remnant of the American
army was to be expected, since it would be rendered too
feeble by the discharge of those engaged only until the last
day of December, to attempt any longer the defense of
the Delaware, which would by that time, in all probability,
be passable on the ice. While every appearance supported
these opinions, and Howe, without being sanguine, might
well consider the war as approaching its termination, this
bold and fortunate enterprise announced to him that he
was contending with an adversary who could never cease
to be formidable while the possibility of resistance re-
mained. Finding the conquest of America more distant
than had been supposed, he determined, in the depth of
winter, to recommence active operations, and Lord Corn-
wallis, who had retired to New York with the intention of
embarking for Europe, suspended his departure and re-
turned to the Jerseys in great force for the purpose of re-
gaining the ground which had been lost.

Meanwhile Count Donop, who commanded the troops
below Trenton, on hearing the disaster which had befallen
Colonel Rahl, retreated by the road leading to Amboy and
joined General Leslie at Princeton. , The next day Gen-
eral Cadwalader crossed the Delaware with orders to
harass the enemy, but to put nothing to hazard until he
should be joined by the Continental battalions, who were
allowed a day or two of repose after the fatigues of the
enterprise against Trenton, General Mifflin joined General

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UPE AND TIMES. lOOJ

Irvine with about 1,500 Pennsylvania militia and those
troops also crossed the river.

Finding himself once more at the head of a force with
which it seemed practicable to act offensively Washington
determined to employ the winter in endeavoring to recover
Jersey.

With this view he ordered General Heath to leave a
small detachment at Peekskill, and with the main body of
the New England militia to enter Jersey and approach the
British cantonments on that side. General Maxwell was
ordered, with all the militia he could collect, to harass
their flank and rear, and to attack their outposts on every
favorable occasion, while the Continental troops, led by
himself, recrossed the Delaware and took post at Trenton.
On the last day of December the regulars of New England
were entitled to a discharge. With great difficulty and a
bounty of $10 many of them were induced to renew their
engagements for six weeks.

The British were now (1777) collected in force at Prince-
ton under L<^d Comwallis, and appearances confirmed
the intelligence, secretly obtained, that he intended to at-
tack the American army.

Generals Mifflin and Cadwalader, who lay at Borden-
town and Crosswix, with 3,600 militia, were therefore or-
dered to join the Commander-in-Chief, whose whole ef-
fective force, with this addition, did not exceed 5,000 men.

Lord Comwallis advanced upon him the next morning,
and about 4 in the afternoon the van of the British army
reached Trenton. On its approach General Washingfton
retired across the Assumpinck, a creek which runs through
the town. The British attempted to cross the creek at
several places, but finding all the fords guarded, they de-
sisted from the attempt and kindled their fires. The

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1003 WASHINGTON.

Americans kindled their fires likewise, and a cannonade
was kept up on both sides till dark.

The situation of General Washington was again ex-
tremely critical. Should he maintain his position he would
certainly be attacked next morning by a force so very su-
perior as to render the destruction of his little army inevi-
table. Should he attempt to retreat over the Delaware
the passage of that river had been rendered so difficult by
a few mild and foggy days which had softened the ice that
a total defeat would be hazarded. In any event the Jer-
seys would once more be entirely in possession of the
enemy, the public mind again be depressed, recruiting dis-
couraged, and Philadelphia a second time in the grasp
of General Howe.

In this embarrassing state of things he formed the bold
design of abandoning the Delaware, and marching by a
circuitous route along the left flank of the British army,
into its rear, at Princeton, where its strength could not
be great, and after beating the troops at that place to move
rapidly to Brunswick, where the baggage and principal
magazines of the army lay under a weak guard. He in-
dulged the hope that this manoeuvre would call the atten-
tion of the British general to his own defense. Should
Lord Cornwallis, contrary to every reasonable calculation,
proceed to Philadelphia, nothing worse could happen in
that quarter than must happen should the American army
be driven before him, and some compensation for that
calamity would be obtained by expelling the enemy com-
pletely from Jersey and cutting up in detail all his parties
in that State.

Gordon's account of what followed the resolution of
Washington to march to Trenton, as well as of the de-
liberations in both camps is, as usual, lively and dramatic:

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" Sir William Erskine, according to report, advises Lord
Comwallis to an immediate attack, saying: ' Otherwise
Washington, if any general, will make a move to the left
of your army; if your lordship does not attack, throw a
large body of troops on the road to your left.' The attack
is put oS till the morning. His lordship might act upon
what is said to be a military principle, that the strongest
army ought not to attack toward night. Meanwhile Wash-
ington calls a council of war. It is known that they are
to be attacked the next day by the whole collected force
of the enemy. The matter of debate is, ' Shall we march
down pn the Jersey side and cross the Delaware over
against Philadelphia, or shall we fight? ' Both are thought
to be too hazardous. On this General Washington says:
* What think you of a circuitous march to Princeton? '
It is approved and concluded upon. Providence favors
the manoeuvre. The weather having been for two days
warm, moist, and foggy, the ground is become quite soft,
and the roads to be passed so deep, that it will be ex-
tremely difficult, if practicable, to get on with the cattle,
carriages, and artillery. But while the council is sitting,
the wind suddenly changes to the northwest, and it freezes
so hard, that by the time the troops are ready to move,
they pass on as though upon a solid pavement. Such
freezings frequently happen in the depth of winter upon
the wind's coming suddenly about to the northwest. This
sudden change of weather g^ves a plausible pretext for
that line of fires which Washington causes to be kindled
soon after dark in the front of his army, and by which he
conceals himself from the notice of the enemy, and in-
duces them to believe he is still upon the ground, waiting
for them till morning. The stratagem is rendered the more
complete by an order given to the men who are intrusted

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1004 WASHINGTON,

with the business to keep up the fires in full blaze till
break of day. While the fires are burning the baggage
and three pieces of ordnance are sent off to Burlington for
security, and with the design that if the enemy follow it
the Americans may take advantage of their so doing. The
troops march about i o'clock with great silence and order,
and crossing Sanpink creek,* proceed toward and arrive
near Princeton a little before daybreak.

The three British regiments are marching down to
Trenton on another road about a quarter of a mile dis-
tant. The center of the Americans, consisting of the
Philadelphia militia, under General Mercer, advances to
attack them. Colonel Mawhood considers it only as a
flying party attempting to interrupt his march, and ap-
proaches with his Seventeenth regiment so near before
he fires that the color of their buttons is discerned. He
repulses the assailants with great spirit and they give way
in confusion; officers and men seem seized with a panic
which spreads fast and indicates an approaching defeat.

Washington perceives the disorder and penetrates the
fatal consequence of being vanquished. The present mo-
ment requires an exertion to ward off the danger, however
hazardous to his own person. He advances instantly, en-
courages his troops to make a stand, places himself be-
tween them and the British, distant from each other about
thirty yards, reins his horse's head toward the front of
the enemy, and boldly faces them while they discharge
their pieces; their fire is immediately returned by the
Americans, without their adverting to the position of the
general, who is providentially preserved from being injured
either by foe or friend.

^Assumpinck creek, spelt variously by different writers. Spark
spells it Assanpink.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1006

The scale is turned and Colonel Mawhood soon finds
that he is attacked on all sides by a superior force and that
he is cut oflF from the rest of the brigade. He discovers
also by the continued distant firing that the Fifty-fifth is
not in better circumstances. His regiment, having used
their bayonets with too much severity on the party put to
flight by them in the beginning, now pay for it in pro-
portion; near sixty are killed upon the spot, besides the
wounded. But the colonel and a number force their way
through and pursue their march to Maidenhead. The
Fifty-fifth regiment being hard pressed, and finding it im-
possible to continue its march, makes good its retreat and
returns by the way of Hillsborough to Brunswick. The
Fortieth is but little engaged; those of the men who es-
cape retire by another road to the same place.

It was proposed to make a forced march to Brunswick,
where was the baggage of the whole British army and
General Lee, but the men having been without either rest,
rum, or provisions for two days and two nights were un-
equal to the task. It was then debated whether to file oflF
to Cranberry in order to cross the Delaware and secure
Philadelphia.

General Knox* urged their marching to Morristown,
and informed the Commander-in-Chief that when he
passed through that part of the country he observed that
it was a good position. He also remarked that they should
be upon the flank of the enemy and might easily change
their situation if requisite. By his earnest importunity
he prevailed and the measure was adopted.

General Greene was with the main body, which was ad-
vanced, and had entered the Morristown road without

♦Knox was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general on the
day after the battle of Trenton.

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1006 WASHINGTON,

having been made acquainted with the determination.
Just as that was concluded upon the enemy were firing
upon the rear of the Americans.

Lord Cornwallis had been waked by the sound of the
American cannon at Princeton, and finding himself out-
generaled, and apprehensive for his stores and baggage,
had posted back with the utmoist expedition. The army
under General Washington marched on to Pluckemin,
in their way to Morristown, pulling up the bridges as they
proceeded thereby to incommode' the enemy and secure
themselves. By the time they got there the men were so
excessively fatigued that a fresh and resolute body of 500
might have demolished the whole. Numbers lay down
in the woods and fell asleep, without regarding the coldness
of the weather. The royal army was still under such alarm-
ing impressions that it continued its march from Trenton
to Brunswick, thirty miles, without halting longer at least
than was necessary to make the bridges over Stony brook
and Millstone passable."

In the battle of Princeton rather more than 100 of
the British were killed in the field and near 300 were taken
prisoners. The loss of the Americans was considerably
less,* but in their number was included General Mercer,
an officer of extraordinary merit, who had served with
Washington in his early campaigns in Virginia, and was
greatly esteemed and beloved by him. Mercer fell in the
first charge against Mawhood which was repelled, and in
which the bayonet was so mercilessly used, as above no-
ticed in our quotation from Gordon. Mercer, himself,
after being dismounted and knocked down with the butt
of a musket, was repeatedly bayoneted and left for dead
on the field. After the battle was over he was found by

t Washington in a letter says thirty privates were killed.

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UFB AND TIMES. 1007

his aide-de-camp. Major Armstrong, and conveyed to the
house of Mr. Qark, where he expired on the 12th of Jan-
uary (1777), in the fifty-sixth year of his age. His remains
were subsequently removed to Philadelphia and buried
with military honors in the grotinds of Christ Church. A
monument was voted to his memory by Congress, which
was never erected, but recently the citizens of Philadel-
phia had his remains removed to Laurel Hill Cemetery,
with great funeral pomp, and placed beneath a splendid
marble monument raised by subscription among them-
selves.

Besides General Mercer the Americans lost at Princeton,
Colonels Haslet and Potter, Captain Neal of the artillery,
and Captain Fleming, who commanded the First Virginia
regiment, and four or five other valuable officers.
" Colonel Haslet had distinguished himself by his bravery
and good conduct in the battles of Rhode Island and
Chatterton's Hill, and in several hazardous enterprises/'*

The bold, judicious, and unexpected attacks made at
Trenton and Princeton, had a much more extensive in-
fluence than would be supposed from a mere estimate of
the killed and taken. They saved Philadelphia for the
winter, recovered the State of Jersey, and, which was of
still more importance, revived the drooping spirits of the
people and gave a perceptible impulse to the recruiting
service throughout the United States.

The utmost efforts were now directed to the creation
of an army for the ensuing campaign, as the only solid
basis on which the hopes of the patriot could rest. Dur-
ing the retreat through the Jerseys, and while the ex-
pectation prevailed that no effectual resistance could be
made to the British armies, some spirited men indeed were

♦Sparks, "Writings of Washington;" "Life of Washington."

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1008 WASHINGTON.

animated to greater and more determined exertions, but
this state of things produced a very different effect on the
great mass which can alone furnish the solid force of
armies. In the middle States especially the panic of dis-
trust was perceived. Doubts concerning the issue of the
contest became extensive, and the recruiting service pro-
ceeded so heavily and slowly as to excite the most anxious
solicitude for the future.

The affairs of Trenton and Princeton were, however,
magnified into great victories, and were believed by the
body of the people to evidence the superiority of their
army and of their general. The opinion that they were
engaged in a hopeless contest yielded to a confidence that
proper exertions would insure ultimate success.

This change of opinion was accompanied with an es-
sential change of conduct, and although the regiments re-
quired by Congress were not completed they were made
much stronger than was believed to be possible before
this happy revolution in the aspect of public affairs.

The firmness of Congress throughout the gloomy and
trying period which intervened between the loss of Fort
Washington and the battle of Princeton, gives the mem-
bers of that time a just claim to the admiration of the
world, and to the gratitude of every American. Undis-
mayed by impending dangers they did not, for an in-
stant, admit the idea of surrendering the independence
they had declared, and purchasing peace by returning to
their colonial position. As the British army advanced
through Jersey, and the consequent insecurity of Phila-
delphia rendered an adjournment from that place a neces-
sary measure of precaution, their exertions seemed to in-
crease with their difficulties. They sought to remove the
despondence which was seizing and paralyzing the public

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MAJOR-GENERAL BARON STEUBEN.

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Life and times. looo

mind by an address to the States in which every argu-
ment was suggested which could rouse them to vigorous
action. They made the most strenuous efforts to animate
the militia and impel them to the field by the agency of
those whose popular eloquence best fitted them for such a
service.

The magnanimous conduct of Congress was favorably
contrasted in the public mind with that of the represen*
tatives of royalty, and those who acted under their author-
ity, in the colonies. We have already repeatedly noticed
the proclamation of the Howes, promising pardon and pro-
tection to those who would desert the standard of their
country. These promises were anything but ^faithfully
observed.

When the royal army entered the Jerseys, says Gordon,
the inhabitants pretty generally remained in their houses,
and many thousands received printed protections, signed
by order of Greneral Howe. But neither the proclamation
of the commissioners, nor protections, saved the people
from plimder any more than from insult. Their property
was taken or destroyed without distinction of persons.
They showed their protections; Hessians could not read
them, and would not understand them; and the British
soldiers thought they had as good a right to a share of
booty as the Hessians.

The Loyalists were plundered even at New York. Gen-
eral De Heister may be pronounced the arch-plunderer.
He offered the house he lived in at New York at public
sale, though the property of a very loyal subject, who
had voluntarily and hospitably accommodated him with it.
The goods of others, suffering restraint or imprisonment
among the Americans, were sold by auction. The carriages
of gentlemen of the first rank were seized, their arms de-
64

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1010 WASHINGTON.

faced, and the plunderer's arms blazoned in their place;
and this, too, by British officers.

Discontents and murmurs increased every hour at the
licentious ravages of the soldiery, both British and for-
eigners, who, at this period of the war, were shamefully
permitted, with unrelenting hand, to pillage friend and foe
in the Jerseys. Neither age, nor sex, was spared. Infants,
children, old men and women, were left in their shirts,
without a blanket to cover them, under the inclemency of
winter. Every kind of furniture was destroyed and burnt;
windows and doors were broken to pieces; in short, the
houses were left uninhabitable, and the people without
provisions; for every horse, cow, ox, and fowl was carried
off.

Depredations and abuses were committed by that part
of the army which was stationed at or near Pennytown.*
Sixteen young women fled to the woods to avoid the bru-
tality of the soldiers where they were seized and carried
off. One father was murdered for attempting to defend
his daughter's honor. Other brutalities towards women,
recorded by contemporary writers, are too gross for
recital.

These enormities, though too frequently practiced in a
time of war by the military, unless restrained by the se-
verest discipline, so exasperated the people of the Jerseys
that they flew to arms immediately upon the army's hur-
rying from Trenton, and forming themselves into parties
they waylaid their enemies and cut them off as they had
opportunity. The militia collected. The Americans in a
few days overran the Jerseys. The enemy was forced from
Woodbridge. General Maxwell surprised Elizabeth'
town, and took near one hundred prisoners, with a quan-

'*' PenHimffton.

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UFE AND TIMES, 1011

tity of baggage. Newark was abandoned. The royal
troops were confined to the narrow compass of Brunswick
and Amboy, both holding an open communication with
New York by water. They could not even stir out to for-
age but in large parties, which seldom returned without
!oss. General Dickinson,* with about 400 militia and 50
Pennsylvania riflemen, defeated, near Somerset court-
house, on Millstone river, January 20th (1777), a foraging
party of the enemy of equal number; and took 40 wag-
ons, upwards of 100 horses, besides sheep and cattle which
they had collected. They retreated with such precipitation
that he could make only nine prisoners; but they were
observed to carry off many dead and wounded in light
wagons. The General's behavior reflected the highest
honor upon him, for, though his troops were all raw, he
led them through the river middle deep, and gave the
enemy so severe a charge that, although supported by
three field pieces, they gave way and left their convoy.

But among all the officers who were engaged in watching
and harassing the British with a view to their expulsion
from the Jerseys, none rendered more important service
than the veteran General Putnam. He had been at Wash-
ington's side during the whole of the retreat through the
Jerseys, and had been appointed to the command at Phila-
delphia, on their arrival there, where he was presently em-
ployed in superintending a line of redoubts above the( city,
extending from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, to resist
any approach of the enemy to the city by land. When the
recent offensive operations in Jersey had taken place he

♦This brave and able officer. Gen. Philemon Dickinson, was
brother to the celebrated John Dickinson, author of the " Farm-
er's Letters." General Dickinson was afterward a Senator of the
United States.

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1012 WASHINGTON.

had been left in the city by Washington to quell an antici-
pated insurrection of the Tories.

General Putnam, says Peabody,* had, therefore, no share
in the victory at Trenton, nor in that of Princeton, by
which it was succeeded.

So great was the effect of these enterprises on the enemy
that Washington began to entertain the hope of driving
them beyond the limits of New Jersey. On the Sth of Janu-
ary (1777) he ordered General Putnam to march with the
troops under his command to Crosswick, a few miles south-
east of Trenton using the utmost precaution to guard
against surprise, and laboring to create an impression that
his force was twice as great as it actually was. The object
of the Commander-in-Chief was partially accomplished by
the concentration of the British forces at New Brunswick
and Amboy and General Putnam was soon after ordered
to take post at Princeton, where he passed the remainder
of the winter. This position was scarcely fifteen miles
from the enemy's camp at New Brunswick, but the troops
of Putnam at no time exceeded a few hundred, and were
once fewer in number than the miles of frontier he was ex-
pected to guard.

Captain Macpherson, a Scotch officer ot the Seventeenth
British regiment, had received in the battle of Princeton
a severe wound which was thought likely to prove fatal.
When General Putnam reached that place he found that
it had been deemed inexpedient to provide medical aid and
other comforts for one who was likely to require them
for so short a period, but by his orders the captain was at-
tended with the utmost care and at length recovered. He
was warm in the expression of his gratitude, and one day
when Putnam, in reply to his inquiries, assured him that

*Life of General Putnam, in Sparks' ''American Biography."

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UFE AND TIMES. 1013

he was a Yankee, averred that he had not believed it
possible for any human being but a Scotchman to be so
kind and generous.

Indeed the benevolence of the general was one day put
to somewhat of a delicate test The patient, when his
recovery was considered doubtful, solicited that a friend
in the British army at New Brunswick might be permitted
to come and aid him in the preparation of his will. Full
sorely perplexed was Greneral Putnam by his desire on the
one hand to gratify the wishes of his prisoner, and a
natural reluctance on the other to permit the enemy to
spy out the nakedness of his camp. His good nature at
length prevailed, but not at the expense of his discretion,
and a flag of truce was dispatched with orders not to
return with the captain's friend until after dark.

By the time of his arrival the lights were displayed in
all the apartments of College Hall and in all the vacant
houses in the town; the army, which then consisted of
fifty effective men, was marched about with remarkable
celerity, sometimes in close column, and sometimes in de-
tachments, with unusual pomp and circumstance, around
the quarters of the captain. It was subsequently ascer-
tained^ as we are assured by Colonel Humphreys, that the
force of Putnam was computed by the framer of the ^11,
on his return to the British camp, to consist, at the lowest
estimate, of 5,000 men.

During his command at Princeton General Putnam was
employed, with activity and much success, in affording
protection to the persons in his neighborhood who re-
mained faithful to the American cause. They were ex-
posed to great danger from the violent incursions of the
Loyalists; and constant vigilance was required in order to
guard against the depredations of the latter. Through

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1014 WASHINGTON.

the whole winter there raged a war of skirmishes. On
the 17th of February (1777), Colonel Nielson, with a party
of 150 militia, was sent by General Putnam to surprise a
small corps of Loyalists, who were fortifying themselves
at Lawrence's Neck. They were of the corps of Cort-
landt Skinner, of New Jersey, a brigadier-general of pro-
vincials in the British service. We know not how to relate
the result of this affair more briefly than it is given in the
following extract from a letter addressed by Putnam to
the Council of Safety of Pennsylvania on the day after
it occurred:

"Yesterday evening Colonel Nielson, with a hundred
and fifty men at Lawrence's Neck, attacked sixty men of
Cortlandt Skinner's brigade, commanded by the enemy's
renowned land pilot, Richard Stockton, and took the
whole prisoners, among them the major, a captain, and
three subalterns, with seventy stand of arms. Fifty of the
Bedford, Pa., riflemen behaved like veterans."

On another occasion he detached Major Smith with a
few riflemen against a foraging party of the enemy, and
followed him with the rest of his forces; but before he
came up, the party had been captured by the riflemen.
These and other similar incidents may appear individually
as of little moment; but before the close of the winter.
General Putnam had thus taken nearly a thousand pris-
oners, and had accomplished the more important object
of keeping the disaffected in continual awe.

In their operations for completely reclaiming the in-
habitants of the Jerseys from their recent disaffection to
the cause of liberty, Washington, Putnam, and the other
American commanders were greatly aided by the atroci-
ties of the British and Hessian troops against the unof-
fending people.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1015

The whole country was now become hostile to the
British army. Sufferers of all parties rose as one man to
revenge their personal injuries and particular oppressions,
and were the most bitter and determined enemies. They
who were incapable of bearing arms acted as spies and
kept a continual watch, so that not the slightest motion
could be made by the Royalists without its being discov-
ered before it could produce the intended effect

This hostile spirit was encouraged by a proclamation of
Washington (January 25, 1777), which commanded every
person having subscribed the declaration of fidelity to
Great Britain, taken the oaths of allegiance, and accepted
protections and certificates from the commissioners, to
deliver up the same and take the oath of allegiance to the
United States of America. It granted, however, full lib-
erty to such as should prefer the interest and protection
of Great Britain to the freedom and happiness of their
country forthwith to withdraw themselves and their fami-
lies within the enemy's lines. But it declared that all who
neglected or refused to comply with the order within thirty
days from the date would be deemed adherents to the
King of Great Britain, and treated as common enemies to
the American States.

Washingfton sent forth this proclamation (January 25,
1777) from his headquarters at Morristown, situated
among hills of difficult access, where he had a fine country
in his rear from which he could easily draw supplies, and
was able to retreat across the Delaware if needful. Giv-
ing his troops little repose, he overran both East and West
Jersey, spread his army over the Raritan, and penetrated
into the county of Essex, where he made himself master
of the coast opposite Staten Island. With a greatly in-
ferior army, by judicious movements, he wrested from the
British almost all their conquests in the Jerseys. Bruns-

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1016 WASHINGTON.

, wick and Amboy were the only posts which remained in
their hands, and even in these they were not a little har-
assed and straightened. The American detachments were
in a state of unwearied activity, frequently surprising and
cutting off the British advanced guards, keeping them in
constant alarm, and melting down their numbers by a
desultory and destructive warfare.

Meantime the victories at Trenton and Princeton, fol-
lowed by the expulsion of the enemy from nearly every
part of New Jersey, had added greatly to Washington's
fame. Achievements so astonishing, says Botha, acquired
an immense glory for the captain-general of the United
States. All nations were surprised by the glory of the
Americans; all equally admired and applauded the pru-
dence, the constancy, and the noble intrepidity of General
Washington. A unanimous voice pronounced him the
savior of his country ; all extolled him as equal to the most
celebrated commanders of antiquity; all proclaimed him
the Fabius of America. His name was in the mouth of
all ; he was celebrated by the pens of the most distin-
guished writers. The most illustrious personages of
Europe lavished upon him their praises and their con-
gratulations. The American general, therefore, wanted
neither a cause full of grandeur to defend, nor occasion
for the acquisition of glory, nor genius to avail himself of
it, nor the renown due to his triumphs, nor an entire
generation of men perfectly well disposed to render him
homage.

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CHAPTER X.
WASHINCITON OUT-QENBRALS HOWB.

AMONG the many perplexing subjects which claimed
the attention of Washington during the winter
(1776-1777), while he was holding his headquar-
ters among the hills at Morristown, none g^ve him more
annoyance than that of the treatment of American pris-
oners in the hands of the enemy. Among the civilized
nations of modem times prisoners of war are treated with
humanity and principles are established on which they are
exchanged. The British officers, however, considered the
Americans as rebels deserving condign punishment and
not entitled to the sympathetic treatment commonly shown
to the captive soldiers of independent nations. They seem
to have thought that the Americans would never be able,
or wotdd never dare, to retaliate. Hence their prisoners
were most infamously treated. Against this the Ameri-
cans remonstrated, and, on finding their remonstrances
disregarded, they adopted a system of retaliation which
occasioned much unmerited suffering to individuals. Col.
Ethan Allen, who had been defeated and made prisoner
in a bold but rash attempt against Montreal, was put in
irons and sent to England as a traitor. In retaliation,
General Prescott, who had been tzlztn at the mouth of the
Sorel, was put in close confinement for the avowed pur-
pose of subjecting him to the same fate which Colonel

(1017)

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1018 WASHINGTON.

Allen should suffer. Both officers and privates, prisoners
to the Americans, were more rigorously confined than
they would otherwise have been, and, that they might not
impute this to wanton harshness and cruelty, they were
distinctly told that their own superiors only were to blame
for any severe treatment they might experience.

The capture of General Lee became the occasion of
embittering the complaints on this subject, and of aggra-
vating the sufferings of the prisoners of war. Before that
event something like a cartel for the exchange of prison-
ers had been established between Generals Howe and
Washington, but the captivity of General Lee interrupted
that arrangement. The general, as we have seen, had been
an officer in the British army, but having been disgusted
had resigned his commission, and, at the beginning of the
troubles, had offered his services to Congress, which were
readily accepted. General Howe affected to consider him
as a deserter, and ordered him into close confinement.

Washington had no prisoner of equal rank, but offered
six Hessian field officers in exchange for him, and re-
quired that, if that offer should not be accepted, General
Lee should be treated according to his rank in the Amer-
ican army. General Howe replied that General Lee was a
deserter from his majesty's service, and could not be con-
sidered as a prisoner of war nor come within the condi-
tions of the cartel. A fruitless discussion ensued between
the Commanders-in-Chief. Congress took up the matter
and resolved that General Washington be directed to in-
form General Howe, that should the proffered exchange
of six Hessian field officers for General Lee not be ac-
cepted, and his former treatment continued, the principle
of retaliation shall occrirton five of the Hessian field offi-
cers, together with Lieut.-Col. Archibald Campbell, or
any other officers that are or shall be in possession of

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UFE AND TIMES. 1019

the Americans, equivalent in number or quality, to be
detained, in order that the treatment which General Lee
shall receive may be exactly inflicted upon their persons.
Congress also ordered a copy of their resolution to be
transmitted to the Council of Massachusetts Bay, and that
they be desired to detain Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell,
and keep him in close custody till the further orders of
Congress, and that a copy be also sent to the committee
of Congress, in Philadelphia, and that they be desired to
have the prisoners, officers, and private^ lately taken prop-
erly secured in some safe place.

Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell of the Seventy-first Regi-
ment, with about 270 of his men, had been made prisoner
in the bay of Boston, while sailing for the harbor, ignorant
of the evacuation of the town by the British. Hitherto
the colonel had been civilly treated ; but, on receiving the
order of Congress respecting him, the Council of Massa-
chusetts Bay, instead of simply keeping him in safe cus-
tody, according to order, sent him to Concord jail, and
lodged him in a filthy and loathsome dungeon, about
twelve or thirteen feet square. He was locked in by
double bolts and expressly prohibited from entering the
prison yard on any consideration whatever. A disgusting
hole, fitted up with a pair of fixed chains, and from which
a felon had been removed to make room for his reception,
was assigned him as an inner apartment. The attendance
of a servant was denied him, and no friend was allowed to
visit him.

Colonel Campbell naturally complained to Howe of such
unworthy treatment, and Howe addressed Washington on
the subject. The latter immediately wrote to the Council
of Massachusetts Bay, and said, "You will observe that
exactly the same treatment is to be shown to Colonel
Campbell and the Hessian officers that General Howe

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1020 WASHINGTON.

shows to General Lee, and as he is only confined to a
commodious house, with genteel accommodation, we have
no right or reason to be more severe to Colonel Campbell,
whom I wish to be immediately removed from his present
situation and put into a house where he may live com-
fortably."

The historian (Gordon), who wrote at the time, gives a
very graphic account of the sufferings of the American
prisoners in New York, which, dreadful as it seems, is
confirmed by many contemporary authorities. He says:
" Great complaints were made of the horrid usage the
Americans met with after they were captured. The gar-
rison of Fort Washington surrendered by capitulation to
General Howe, the i6th of November. The terms were
that the fort should be surrendered, the troops be consid-
ered prisoners of war, and that the American officers should
keep their baggage and sidearms. These articles were
signed and afterwards published in the New York papers.
Major Otho Holland Williams, of Rawling's Rifle Regi-
ment, in doing his duty that day, unfortunately fell into
the hands of the enemy. The haughty deportment of the
officers, and the scurrility of the soldiers of the British
army, he afterward said, soon dispelled his hopes of being
treated with lenity. Many of the American officers were
plundered of their baggage and robbed of their sidearms,
hats, cockades, etc., and otherwise grossly ill-treated.
Williams and three companions were, on the third day,
put on board the Baltic-Merchant, a hospital ship, then
lying in the sound. The wretchedness of his situation was
in some degree alleviated by a small pittance of pork and
parsnip which a good-natured sailor spared him from his
own mess. The fourth day of their captivity, Rawlings,
Hanson, M'Intire, and himself, all wounded officers, were
put into one common dirt-cart and dragged through the

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UFE AND TIMES. 1021

city of New York, as objects of derision, reviled as rebels,
and treated with the utmost contempt. From the cart
they were set down at the door of an old wastehouse,
the remains of Hampden Hall, near Bridewell, which, be-
cause of the openness and filthiness of the place, he had
a few months before refused as barracks for his privates,
but now was willing to accept for himself and friends, in
hopes of finding an intermission of the fatigue and perse-
cution they had perpetually suffered. Some provisions
were issued to the prisoners in the afternoon of that day,
what quantity he could not declare, but it was of the worst
quality he ever, till then, saw made use of. He was in-
formed the allowance consisted of six ounces of pork,
one pound of biscuit, and some peas per day for each man,
and two bushels and a half of sea coal per week for the
officers to each fireplace. These were admitted on parole,
and lived generally in wastehouses. The privates, in the
coldest season of the year, were close confined in churches,
sugar-houses, and other open buildings (which admitted
all lands of weather), and consequently were subjected to
the severest kind of persecution that ever unfortunate cap-
tives suflfered. Officers were insulted and often struck
for attempting to afford some of the miserable privates a
small relief. In about three weeks Colonel Williams was
able to walk, and was himself a witness of the sufferings
of his countrymen. He could not describe their misery.
Their constitutions were not equal to the rigor of the
treatment they received and the consequence was the
death of many hundreds. The officers were not allowed
to take muster-rolls, nor even to visit their men, so that
it was impossible to ascertain the numbers that perished ;
but from frequent reports and his own observations, he
verily believed, as well as had heard many officers give it
as their opinion, that not less than 1,500 prisoners perished

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1022 WASHINGTON.

in the cotirse of a few weeks in the dty of New York, and
that this dreadful mortality was principally owing to the
want of provisions and extreme cold. If they computed
too largely, it must be ascribed to the shocking brutal
manner of treating the dead bodies, and not to any desire
of exaggerating the account of their sufferings. When the
King's commissary of prisoners intimated to some of the
American officers General Howe's intention of sending
the privates home on parole, they all earnestly desired it,
and a paper was signed expressing that desire ; the reason
for signing was, they well knew the effects of a longer
confinement, and the great numbers that died when on
parole justified their pretensions to that knowledge. In
January almost all the officers were sent to Long Island
on parole, and there billeted on the inhabitants at $2 per
week.

The filth in the churches (in consequence of fluxes) was
beyond description. Seven dead have been seen in one
of them at the same time, lying among the excrements of
their bodies. The British soldiers were fidl of their low
and insulting jokes on those occasions, but less malignant
than the Tories. The provision dealt out to the prisoners
was not sufficient for the support of life, and was deficient
in quantity, and more so in quality. The bread was loath-
some and not fit to be eaten, and was thought to have been
condemned. The allowance of meat was trifling and of
the worst sort. The integrity of these suffering prisoners
/as hardly credible. Hundreds submitted to death rather
than enlist in the British service, which they were most
generally pressed to do. It was the opinion of the Amer-
ican officers that Howe perfectly understood the condition
of the private soldiers, and they from thence argued that
it was exactly such as he and his council intended. After
Washington's success in the Jerseys the obduracy and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1023

malevolence of the Royalists subsided in some measure.
The surviving prisoners were ordered to be sent out as
an exchange, but several of them fell down dead in the
streets while attempting to walk to the vessels.

Washington wrote to General Howe in the beginning of
April : " It is a fact not to be questioned that the usage
of our prisoners while in your possession, the privates at
least, was such as could not be justified. This was pro-
claimed by the concurrent testimony of all who came out.
Their appearance justified the assertion, and melancholy
experience in the speedy death of a large part of them,
stamped it with infallible certainty."

The cruel treatment of the prisoners being the subject
of conversation among some officers captured by Sir Guy
Carleton, General Parsons, who was of the company, said,
" I am very glad of it." They expressed their astonish-
ment and desired him to explain himself. He thus ad-
dressed them : " You have been taken by General Carle-
ton, and he has used you with great humanity, would you
be inclined to fight against him ?" The answer was, " No."
" So," added Parsons, " would it have been, had the troops
taken by Howe been treated in like manner, but now
through this cruelty we shall get another army."

The Hon. William Smith, learning how the British used
the prisoners, and concluding it would operate to that end
by enraging the Americans, applied to the committee of
New York State for leave to go into the city and re-
monstrate with the British upon such cruel treatment,
which he doubted not but that he should put a stop to.
The committee, however, either from knowing what effect
the cruelties would have in strengthening the opposition
to Britain, or from jealousies of his being in some other
way of disservice to the American cause or from these
united, would not grant his request

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1024 WASHINGTON.

Washington, at the beginning of 1777, determined to
have the army inoculated for the smallpox, which had
made fearful ravages in the ranks. It was carried forward
as secretly and carefully as possible, and the hospital physi-
cians in Philadelphia were ordered at the same time to
inoculate all the soldiers who passed through that dty on
their way to join the army. The same precautions were
taken in the other military stations, and thus the army was
relieved from an evil which would have materially inter-
fered with the success of the ensuing campaign. The ex-
ample of the soldiery proved a signal benefit to the entire
population, the practice of inoculation became general,
and, by little and little, this fatal malady disappeared al-
most entirely.

In the hope that something might be eflfected at New
York, Washington ordered General Heath, who was in
command in the Highlands, to move down towards the
city with a considerable force. Heath did so, and in a
rather grandiloquent summons called upon Fort Inde-
pendence to surrender. The enemy, however, stood their
ground, and Heath, after a few days, retreated, having
done nothing, and exposed himself to ridicule for not
having followed up his words with suitable deeds.

While Washington was actively employed in the Jerseys
in asserting the independence of America, Congress could
not afford him much assistance, but that body was active
in promoting the same cause by its enactments and recom-
mendations. Hitherto the Colonies had been united by no
bond but that of their common danger and common love
of liberty. Congress resolved to render the terms of their
union more definite, to ascertain the rights and duties of
the several Colonies, and their mutual obligations toward
each other. A committee was appointed to sketch the
principles of the union or confederation.

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UFB AND TIMES. 1025

This committee presented a report in thirteen Articles
of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States,
and proposed that, instead of calling themselves the
United Colonies, as they had hitherto done, they should
assume the name of the United States of America; that
each State should retain its sovereignty, freedom, and in-
dependence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right,
which is not by the confederation expressly delegated to
the United States in Congress assembled ; that they enter
into a firm league for mutual defense; that the free in-
habitants of any of the States shall be entitled to the priv-
ileges and immunities of free citizens in any other State;
that any traitor or great delinquent fleeing from one State
and found in another shall be delivered up to the State
having jurisdiction of his offense ; that full faith and credit
shall be given in each of the States to the records, acts,
and judicial proceedings of every other State; that dele-
gates shall be annually chosen in such manner as the legis-
lature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress oi|
the first Monday of November, with power to each State
to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within
the year, and to send others in their stead ; that no State
shall be represented in Congress by less than two or more
than seven members, and no person shall be a delegate for
more than three out of six years, nor shall any delegate
hold a place of emolument under the United States ; that
each State shall maintain its own delegates; that in Con-
gress each State shall have only one vote; that freedom
of speech shall be enjoyed by the members, and that they
shall be free from arrest, except for treason, felony, or
breach of the peace ; that no State, without the consent of
Congress, shall receive any ambassador, or enter into any
treaty with any foreign power ; that no person holding any
oflSce in any of the United States shall receive any present,
6S

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1026 WASHINGTON.

office, or title from any foreign State, and that neither
Congress nor any of the States shall grant any titles of
nobility ; that no two or more of the States shall enter into
any confederation whatever without the consent of Con-
gress; that no State shall impose any duties which may
interfere with treaties made by Congress; that in time of
peace no vessels of war or military force shall be kept up
in any of the States but by the authority of Congress, but
every State shall have a well-regulated and disciplined
militia; that no State, unless invaded, shall engage in war
without the consent of Congress, nor shall they grant let-
ters of marque or reprisal till after a declaration of war by
Congress; that colonels and inferior officers shall be ap-
pointed by the Legislature of each State for its own troops ;
that the expenses of war shall be defrayed out of a com-
mon treasury, supplied by the several States according to
the value of the land in each ; that taxes shall be imposed
and levied by authority and direction of the several States
within the time prescribed by Congress; that Congress
has the sole and exclusive right of deciding on peace and
war, of sending and receiving ambassadors, and entering
into treaties; that Congress shall be the last resort on
appeal in all disputes and differences between two or more
of the States; that Congress have the sole and exclusive
right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin
struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective
States, fixing the standard of weights and measures, regu-
lating the trade, establishing post-offices, appointing all
officers of the land forces in the service of the United
States, except regimental officers, appointing all the of-
ficers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers
whatever in the service of the United States, making rules
for the government and regulation of the said land and
naval forces, and directing their operations ; that Congress

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1027

have authority to appoint a committee to sit during their
recess, to be dominated a Committee of the States, and to
consist of one delegate from each State; that Congress
shall have power to ascertain the necessary sums of money
to be raised for the service of the United States, and to
appropriate and apply the same, to borrow money or emit
bills on the credit of the United States, to build and equip
a navy, to fix the number of land forces, and to make
requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion
to the number of white inhabitants in such State ; that the
consent of nine States shall be requisite to any great public
measure of common interest; that Congress shall have
power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any
place within the United States, but the adjournment not to
exceed six months, and that they shall publish their pro-
ceedings monthly, excepting such parts relating to treaties,
alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment re-
quire secrecy; that the yeas and nays of the delegates of
each State shall, if required, be entered on the journal, and
extracts granted ; that the Committee of the States, or any
nine of them, shall, during the recess of Congress, exercise
such powers as Congress shall vest them with; that
Canada, if willing, shall be admitted to all the advantages
of the union ; but no other colony shall be admitted, unless
such admission shall be agreed to by nine States ; that all
bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, or debts con-
tracted by Congress before this confederation, shall be
charges on the United States ; that every State shall abide
by the determinations of Congress on all questions sub-
mitted to them by this confederation; that the articles of
it shall be inviolably observed by every State, and that no
alteration in any of the articles shall be made, unless
agreed to by Congress, and afterward confirmed by the
legislature of every State.

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1028 WASHINGTON.

Such was the substance of this confederation or union.
After much discussion, at thirty-nine sittings, the articles
were approved by Congress, transmitted to the several
State Legislatures, and, meeting with their approbation,
were ratified by all the delegates on the 15th of November,
1778.

Congress maintained an erect posture, although its af-
fairs then wore the most gloomy aspect. It was under the
provisions of this confederation that the war was after-
ward carried on, and, considered as a first essay of legis-
lative wisdom, it discovers a good understanding, and a
respectable knowledge of the structure of society. Had
peace been concluded before the settlement of this con-
federation, the States would probably have broken down
into so many independent governments, and the strength
of the Union been lost in a number of petty sovereignties.

It is not hazarding much to say that, considering all the
circumstances, it was the best form of government which
could have been framed at that time. Its radical defect
arose from its being a confederation of independent States,
in which the central government had no direct recourse to
the people. It required all grants of men or money to be
obtained from the State governments, who were often,
during the war, extremely dilatory in complying with the
requisitions of Congress. This defect was strongly felt
by Wasliington, who was often compelled to exert his
personal influence, which, in all the States, was immense,
to obtain the supplies which Congress had no power to
exact. We shall see hereafter, that in forming the new con-
stitution, a work in which Washington took a leading part,
this defect was remedied.

While Congress was beginning to form these articles
of confederation, and Washington was giving a new aspect
to the war in New Jersey, the people of Great Britain, long

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1029

accustomed to colonial complaints and quarrels, and atten-
tive merely to their own immediate interests, paid no due
regard to the progress of the contest or to the importance
of the principles in which it originated. Large majorities
in both houses of parliament supported the ministry in all
their violent proceedings, and although a small minority,
including several men of distinguished talents, who trem-
bled for the fate of British liberty if the court should
succeed in establishing its claims against the colonists,
vigorously opposed the measures of administration, yet
the great body of the people manifested a loyal zeal in
favor of the war, and the ill success of the Colonists in the
campaign of 1776, gave that zeal additional energy.

But amidst all the popularity of their warlike operations,
the difficulties of the ministry soon began to multiply. In
consequence of hostilities with the American provinces,
the British West India islands experienced a scarcity of
the necessaries of life. About the time when the West
India fleet was about to set sail, under convoy, on its home-
ward voyage, it was discovered that the negroes of Jamaica
meditated an insurrection. By means of the draughts to
complete the army in America, the military force in that
island had been weakened, and the ships o£ war were de-
tained to assist in suppressing the attempts of the negroes.
By this delay the Americans gained time for equipping
their privateers. After the fleet sailed it was dispersed by
stormy weather and many of the ships, richly laden, fell
into the hands of the American cruisers who were per-
mitted to sell their prizes in the ports of France, both in
Europe and in the West Indies.

The conduct of France was now so openly manifested
that it could no longer be winked at, and it drew forth a
remonstrance from the British cabinet. The remonstrance
was civilly answered, and the traffic in British jM-izes was

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1030 WASHINGTON,

carried on somewhat more covertly in the French ports
in Europe ; but it was evident that both France and Spain
were in a state of active preparation for war. The British
ministry could no longer shut their eyes against the gather-
ing storm, and began to prepare for it About the middle
of October (1776) they put sixteen additional ships into
commission, and made every exertion to man them.

On the 31st of October the parliament met and was
opened by a speech from the throne, in which his majesty
stated that it would have given him much satisfaction if he
had been able to inform them that the disturbances in the
revolted Colonies were at an end, and that the people of
America, recovering from their delusion, had returned to
their duty; but so mutinous and determined was the spirit
of their leaders that they had openly abjured and re-
nounced all connection and communication with the
mother country and had rejected every conciliatory propo-
sition. Much mischief, he said, would accrue not only
to the commerce of Great Britain but to the general sys-
tem of Europe if this rebellion were suffered to take root.
The conduct of the Colonists would convince every one
of the necessity of the measures proposed to be adopted,
and the past success of the British arms promised the
happiest results; but preparations must be promptly made
for another campaign. A hope was expressed of the gen-
eral continuance of tranquillity in Europe, but that it was
thought advisable to increase the defensive resources at
home.

The addresses to the speech were in the usual form, but
amendments were moved in both houses of parliament;
in the Commons by Lord John Cavendish and in the Lords
by the Marquis of Rockingham. After an animated de-
bate the amendment was rejected, in the House of Com-
mons by 242 against 87, and in the Lords by 91 against

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UFE AND TIMES. 1031

26. During the session of parliament some other attempts
were made for adopting conciliatory measures, but the
influence of ministry was so powerful that they were all
completely defeated, and the plans of administration re-
ceived the approbation and support of parliament

During the winter (1776- 1777), which was very severe,
the British troops at Brunswick and Amboy were kept on
constant duty and suffered considerable privations. The
Americans were vigilant and active, and the British army
could seldom procure provisions or forage without fight-
ing. But although in the course of the winter the affairs
of the United States had begun to wear a more promising
aspect, yet there were still many friends of royalty in the
provinces. By their open attachment to the British interest,
numbers had already exposed themselves to the hostility
of the patriotic party; and others, from affection to Britain
or distrust of the American cause, gave their countenance
and aid to General Howe. Early in the season a consid-
erable number of these men joined the royal army, and
were embodied under the direction of the Commander-in-
Chief with the same pay as the regular troops, besides the
promise of an allotment of land at the close of the dis-
turbances. Governor Tryon, who had been extremely
active in engaging and disciplining them, was promoted
to the rank of major-general of the Loyal Provincialists.*

* About this time the Royalists in the counties of Somerset and
Worcester, in the province of Maryland, became so formidable
that an insurrection was dreaded. And it was feared that the
insurgents would, in such a case, be joined by a number of dis-
affected persons in the county of Sussex, in the Delaware State.
Congress, to prevent this evil, recommended the apprehension
and removal of all persons of influence, or of desperate characters,
within the counties of Sussex, Worcester, and Somerset, who
manifested a disaffection to the American cause, to some remote

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1032 WASHINGTON.

The campaign opened on both sides by rapid predatory
incursions and bold desultory attacks. At Peekskill, on
the North river, about fifty miles above New York, the
Americans had formed a post, at which, during the winter,
they had collected a considerable quantity of provisions
and camp-equipage to supply the stations in the vicinity as
occasion might require.

The most mountainous part of the district, named the
Manor of Courland, was formed into a kind of citadel, re-
plenished with stores, and Peekskill served as a port to it.
On the 23d of March (1777), as soon as the river was clear
of ice, Howe, who thought Peekskill of more importance
than it really was, detached Colonel Bird, with about 500
men, under convoy of a frigate and some armed vessels,
against that post. General M'Dougal, who commanded
there, had then only about 250 men in the place. He had
timely notice of Colonel Bird's approach, and, sensible that
his post was untenable, he exerted himself to remove the
stores to the strong grounds about two miles and a half
in his rear; but before he had made much progress in the
work the British appeared, when he set fire to the stores
and buildings and retreated. Colonel Bird landed and
completed the destruction of the stores which he was
unable to remove. On the same day he re-embarked, and
returned to New York.

On the 8th of April (1777), says Gordon, Congress con-
place within their respective States, there to be secured. From
appearances, Congress had also reason to believe that the Loyal-
ists in the New England governments and New York State, had
likewise concerted an insurrection. See Gordon's " History of
the American Revolution," vol. II, pp. 461, 462. By the same
authority wc are informed that General Gates wrote to General
Fellowcs for a strong military force, for the prevention of plots
and insurrection in the provinces of New England and New York.

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UFE AND TIMES, 1033

eluded upon the erection of a monument to the memory
of General Warren in the town of Boston, and another to
the memory of General Mercer in Fredericksburg, in Vir-
ginia, and that the eldest son of General Warren, and the
youngest son of General Mercer, be educated from hence-
forward at the expense of the United States. They con-
veyed in a few words the highest eulogium on the charac-
ters and merits of the deceased. Through inattention,
General Warren, who fell on Breed's Hill, had not been
properly noted when Congress passed their resolve re-
specting General Montgomery: the proposal for paying
due respect to the memory of Mercer led to the like in
regard to Warren.

On the 13th of April Lord Cornwallis and General
Grant, with about 2,000 men, attempted to surprise and cut
oflf General Lincoln, who, with 500 men, was posted at
Bound Brook, seven miles from Brunswick, and nearly
succeeded in their enterprise. But by a bold and rapid
movement Lincoln, when almost surrounded, forced his
way between the British columns and escaped, with ^he
loss of sixty men, his papers, three field pieces, and some
l>aggage.

At that early period of the campaign Howe attempted no
grand movement against the main body of the army under
Washington at Morristown, but he made several efforts
to interrupt his communications, destroy his stores, and
impede his operations. He had received information that
the Americans had collected a large quantity of stores in
the town of Danbury and in other places on the borders
of Connecticut. These he resolved to destroy, and ap-
pointed Major-General Tryon of the Provincials, who
panted for glory in his newly-acquired character, to com-
mand an expedition for that purpose, but prudently di-

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1034 WASHINGTON,

rected Generals Agnew and Sir William Erskine to accom-
pany him.

On the 25th of April (1777) the fleet appeared off the
coast of Connecticut, and in the evening the troops were
landed without opposition between Fairfield and Norwalk.
General Silliman, then casually in that part of the country,
immediately dispatched expresses to assemble the militia.
In the meantime Tryon proceeded to Danbury which he
reached about 2 the next day. On his approach Colonel
Huntingdon, who had occupied the town with about 150
men, retired to a neighboring height, and Danbury, with
the magazines it contained, was consumed by fire.

General Arnold, who was also in the State superintend-
ing the recruiting service, joined General Silliman at Read-
ing, where that officer had collected about 500 militia.
General Wooster, who had resigned his commission in the
Continental service, and been appointed major-general of
the militia, fell in with them at the same place, and they
proceeded in the night through a heavy rain to Bethel,
about eight miles from Danbury.

Having heard next morning that Tryon, after destroy-
ing the town and magazines, was returning, they divided
their troops, and General Wooster, with about 300 men,
fell in his rear, while Arnold, with about 500, crossing the
country, took post in his front at Ridgefield. Wooster
came up with his rear about 11 in the morning, attacked
it with great gallantry, and a sharp skirmish ensued in
which he was mortally wounded,* and his troops were
repulsed.

Tryon then proceeded to Ridgefield where he found
Arnold already intrenched on a strong piece of ground,
and prepared to dispute his passage. A warm skirmish

* Congress voted a monument to his memory.

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UFE AND TIMES, 1036

ensued, which continued nearly an hour. Arnold was at
length driven from the field after which he retreated to
Paugatuck, about three miles east of Norwalk.

At break of day next morning, after setting Ridgefield
on fire, the British resumed their march. About ii in the
forenoon, April 28th (1777), they were again met by
Arnold, whose numbers increased during the day to rather
more than 1,000 men, among whom were some Continental
troops. A continued skirmishing was kept up until 5 in
the afternoon, when the British formed on a hill near their
ships. The Americans attacked them with intrepidity, but
were repulsed and broken. Tryon, availing himself of
this respite, re-embarked his troops and returned to New
York.

The loss of the British amounted to about 170 men.*
That of the Americans was represented by Tryon as being
much more considerable. By themselves it was not ad-
mitted to exceed 100. In this number, however, were com-
prehended General Wooster, Lieutenant-Colonel Gould,
and another field officer, killed, and Colonel Lamb
wounded. Several other officers and volunteers were
killed.

Military and hospital stores to a considerable amount,
which were greatly needed by the army, were destroyed
in the magazines at Danbury, but the loss most severely
felt was rather more than 1,000 tents which had been pro-
vided for the campaign about to open.

Not long afterward this enterprise was successfully re-
taliated. A British detachment had been for some time
employed in collecting forage and provisions on the east-
ern end of Long Island. Howe supposed this part of the

* Stedman, the British historian of the Revolution, acknowledges
a loss of 200, including 10 officers.

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1036 WASHINGTON.

country to be so completely secured by the armed vessels
which incessantly traversed the Sound, that he confided
the protection of the stores deposited at a small port
called Sag Harbor to a schooner with twelve guns and a
company of infantry.

General Parsons, who commanded a few recruits at
New Haven, thinking it practicable to elude the cruisers
in the bay, formed the design of surprising this party and
other adjacent posts, the execution of which was intrusted
to Lieutenant-Colonel Meigs, a gallant officer who had
accompanied Arnold in his memorable march to Quebec.
He embarked with about 230 men on board 13 whale-boats,
and proceeded along the coast to Guilford, where he was
to cross the Sound. With about 170 of his detachment,
under convoy of two armed sloops, he proceeded (May
23> ^777) across the Sound to the north division of the
island near Southhold in the neighborhood of which a
small foraging party against which the expedition was in
part directed, was supposed to lie, but they had marched
two days before to New York. The boats were conveyed
across the land, a distance of about fifteen miles, into a
bay which deeply intersects the eastern end of Long Island,
where the troops re-embarked. Crossing the bay they
landed at 2 in the morning, about four miles from Sag
Harbor, which they completely surprised and carried witli
charged bayonets. At the same time a division of the
detachment secured the armed schooner and the vessels
laden with forage, which were set on fire and entirely con-
sumed. Six of the enemy were killed and ninety taken
prisoners. A very few escaped under cover of the night.

The object of his expedition being effected without the
loss of a man. Colonel Meigs returned to Guilford with his
prisoners. " Having," as was stated in the letter to Gen-
eral Parsons, "moved with such uncommon celerity as

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UFE AND TIMES. 1037

to have transported his men by land and water 90 miles in
25 hours." C<Migress directed a sword to be presented to
him, and passed a resolution expressing the high sense
entertained of his merit, and of the prudence, activity, and
valor displayed by himself and his party.

The exertions made by Washington through the winter
to raise a powerful army for the ensuing campaign had
not been successful. The hopes respecting its strength,
which the flattering reports made from every quarter had
authorized him to form, were cruelly disappointed, and
he found himself not only unable to carry into effect the
oflfcnsive operations he had meditated, but unequal even
to defensive warfare. That steady and persevering cour-
age, however, which ha^ supported himself and the Ameri-
can cause through the gloomy scenes of the preceding
year did not forsake him, and that sound judgment which
applies to the best advantage those means which are at-
tainable, however inadequate they may be, still remained.
His plan of operations was adapted to that which he be-
lieved his enemy had formed. He was persuaded either
that General Burgoyne, who was then at Quebec, would
endeavor to take Ticonderoga. and to penetrate to the
Hudson, in which event General Howe would co-operate
with him by moving up that river, and attempting to pos-
sess himself of the forts and high grounds commanding its
passage, or that Burgoyne would join the grand army at
New York by sea, after which the combined armies would
proceed against Philadelphia.

To counteract the designs of the enemy, whatever they
might be, to defend the three great points, Ticonderoga,
the Highlands of New York, and Philadelphia, against
two powerful armies so much superior to him in arms, in
numbers, and in discipline, it was necessary to make such

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1038 WASHINGTON.

an arrangement of his troops as would enable the parts
reciprocally to aid each other without neglecting objects
of great and almost equal magnitude, which were alike
threatened, and were far asunder. To effect these pur-
poses, the troops of New England and New York were
divided between Ticonderoga and Peekskill, while those
from Jersey to North Carolina inclusive, were directed to
assemble at the camp to be formed in Jersey. The more
southern troops remained in that State for its protection.

These arrangements being made and the recruits col-
lected, the camp at Morristown was broken up, the detach-
ments called in, and the army assembled at Middlebrook
(May 28, 1777), just behind a connected ridge of strong and
commanding heights north of the road leading to Phila-
delphia, and about ten miles from Brunswick.

This camp, the approaches to which were naturally diffi-
cult, Washington took care to strengthen still further by
intrenchments. The heights in front commanded a pros-
pect of the course of the Raritan, the road to Philadelphia,
the hills about Brunswick, and a considerable part of the
country between that place and Amboy, so as to afford
him a full view of the most interesting movements of the
enemy.

The force brought into the field by the United States
required all the aid which could be derived from strong
positions and unremitting vigilance. On the 20th of May
(1777) the army in Jersey, excluding cavalry and artillery,
amounted to only 8,378 men, of whom upwards of 2,000
were sick. The effective rank and file were only 5,738.

Had this army been composed of the best disciplined
troops, its inferiority in point of numbers must have limited
its operations to defensive war, and have rendered it in-
competent to the protection of any place whose defense
would require a battle in the open field. But more than

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1039

half the troops were unacquainted with the first rudiments
of military duty, and had never looked an enemy m the
face. As an additional cause of apprehension, a large pro-
portion of the soldiers, especially from the middle States,
were foreigners, in whose attachment to the American
cause full confidence could not be placed.

Washington, anticipating a movement by land toward
Philadelphia, had taken the precaution to give orders for
assembling on the western bank of the Delaware an army
of militia strengthened by a few Continental troops, the
command of which was given to General Arnold who was
then in Philadelphia employed in the settlement of his
accounts.

The first and real object of the campaign on the part
of Howe was the acquisition of Philadelphia. He intended
to march through Jersey, and after securing the submis-
sion of that State to cross the Delaware on a portable
bridge constructed in the winter for the purpose and pro-
ceed by land to that city. If, in the execution of this plan,
the Americans could be brought to a general action on
equal ground, the advantages of the royal army must
insure a victory. But should Washington decline an en-
gagement and be again pressed over the Delaware the
object would be as certainly obtained.

Had Howe taken the field before the Continental troops
were assembled this plan might probably have been exe-
cuted without any serious obstruction, but the tents and
camp equipage expected from Europe did not arrive until
Washington had collected his forces and taken possession
of the strong post on the Heights of Middlebrook. It
would be dangerous to attack him on such advantageous
ground, for, although his camp might be forced, victory
would probably be attended with such loss as to disable the
victor from reaping its fruits.

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1040 WASHINGTON.

If it was deemed too hazardous to attack the strong camp
at Middlebrook, an attempt to cross the Delaware in the
face of an army collected on its western bank, while that
under Washington remained unbroken in his rear, was an
experiment of equal danger. It suited the cautious temper
of Howe to devise some other plan of operation to which
he might resort should he be unable to seduce Washington
from his advantageous position.

The two great bays of Delaware and Chesapeake sug-
gested the alternative of proceeding by water, should he be
unable to manoeuvre Washington out of his present en-
campment.

The plan of the campaign being settled and some small
reinforcements with the expected camp equipage being
received from Europe, Howe, leaving a garrison in New
York and a guard in Amboy, assembled his army at Bruns-
wick, and gave strong indications of an intention to pene-
trate through the country to the Delaware and reach
Philadelphia by land.

Believing this to be his real design Washington Qune
13, 1777) placed a select corps of riflemen under the com-
mand of Colonel Morgan, who had distinguished himself
in the unfortunate attempt to storm Quebec, and in whom
those particular qualities which fit a man for the command
of a partisan corps, designed to act on the lines of a form-
idable enemy, were eminently united.

He was ordered to take post at Vanvighton's bridge on
the Raritan, just above its confluence with the Millstone
river, to watch the left flank of the British army and seize
every occasion to harass it.

Early in the morning of the 14th, Howe, leaving 2,000
men under the command of General Matthews at Bruns-
wick, advanced in two columns toward the Delaware.
The front of the first, under Comwallis, reached Somerset

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PHILIP SCHUYLER.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1041

Court House, nine miles from Brunswick, by the appear-
ance of day, and the second, commanded by General de
Heister, reached Middlebush about the same time.

This movement was made with the view of inducing
Washington to quit his fortified camp and approach the
Delaware, in which event, Howe expected to bring on
an engagement on ground less disadvantageous than that
now occupied by the American army. But Washington
understood the importance of his position too well to
abandon it.

On the first intelligence that the enemy was in motion,
he drew out his whole army, and formed it to great ad-
vantage on the heights in front of his camp. This position
was constantly maintained. The troops remained in order
of battle during the day, and in the night slept on the
ground to be defended.

In the meantime the Jersey militia, with an alacnty
theretofore unexampled in that State, took the field in
great numbers. They principally joined General Sullivan,
who had retired from Princeton, behind the Sourland hills
toward Flemington, where an army of some extent was
forming, which could readily co-operate with that under
the immediate inspection of Washington.

The settled purpose of Washington was to defend his
camp, but not to hazard a general action on other ground.
He had therefore determined not to advance from the
heights he occupied into the open country, either towards
the enemy or the Delaware.

The object of Howe was, by acting on his anxiety for
Philadelphia, to seduce him from the strong ground about
Middlebrook, and tempt him to approach the Delaware in
the hope of defending its passage. Should he succeed in
this, he had little doubt of being able to bring on an en-
gagement, in which he counted with certainty on victory.
66

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1042 WASHINGTON.

The considerations which restrained Howe from at-
tempting to march through Jersey, leaving the American
army in full force in his rear, had determined Washington
to allow him to proceed to the Delaware, if such should be
his intention. In that event, he had determined to throw
those impediments only in the way of the hostile army
which might harass and retard its march, and maintaining
the high and secure grounds north of the road to be taken
by the enemy, to watch for an opportunity of striking some
important blow with manifest advantage.

Washington was not long in penetrating Howe's de-
signsi " The views of the enemy," he writes to General
Arnold in a letter of the 17th (June, 1777), " must be to
destroy this army and get possession of Philadelphia. I
am, however, clearly of opinion, that they will not move
that way until they have endeavored to give a severe blow
to this army. The risk would be too great to attempt to
cross a river when they must expect to meet a formidable
opposition in front and would have such a force as ours in
their rear. They might possibly be successful, but the
probability would be infinitely against them. Should they
be imprudent enough to make the attempt, I shall keep
close upon their heels and will do everything in my power
to make the project fatal to them.

" But, besides the argument in favor of their intending,
in the first place, a stroke at this army, drawn from the
policy of the measure, every appearance contributes to
conform the opinion. Had their design been for the Dela-
ware in the first instance, they would probably have made
a secret, rapid march for it, and not have halted so as to
awaken our attention, and give us time to prepare for
obstructing them. Instead of that they have only advanced
to a position necessary to facilitate an attack on our right,
the part in which we are most exposed. In addition to

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1043

this circumstance, they have come out as light as possible,
leaving all their baggage, provisions, boas, and bridges
at Brunswick. This plainly contradicts the idea of their
intending to push for the Delaware."

Finding the American army could not be drawn from its
strong position, Howe determined to waste no more time
in threatening Philadelphia by land, but to withdraw from
Jersey and to embark his army as expeditiously as possible
for the Chesapeake or the Delaware. On the night of the
19th of June (1777), he returned to Brunswick, and on the
22d to Amboy, from which place the heavy baggage and a
few of his troops passed into Staten Island on the bridge
which had been designed for the Delaware.*

Washington had expected this movement from Bruns-
wick and had made arrangements to derive some advan-
tage from it. General Greene was detached with three
brigades to annoy the British rear, and Sullivan and Max-
well were ordered to co-operate with him. In the mean-
time the army paraded on the Heights of Middlebrook,
ready to act as circumstances might require.

About sunrise, Colonel Morgan drove in a picket-guard,
soon after which that division commenced its march to
Amboy. Some sharp skirmishing took place between this
party and Morgan's regiment, but the hope of gaining
any important advantage was entirely disappointed, and

* Lieutenant-Colonel Palfrey, formerly an aide-de-camp to Gen-
eral Washington, and now paymaster-general, wrote to his friend:
" I was at Brunswick just after the enemy had left it. Never let
the British troops upbraid the Americans with want of cleanliness,
for such dog-kennels as their huts were my eyes never beheld.
Mr. Burton's house, where Lord Comwallis resided, stunk so 1
could not bear to enter it. The houses were torn to pieces, and
the inhabitants as well as the soldiers have suffered greatly for
want of provisions." — Gordon, *' History of the American Revo-
lution."

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1044 WASHINGTON.

the retreat to Amboy was effected with inconsiderable
loss.

In order to cover his light parties, which still hung on
the British flank and rear, Washington advanced six or
seven miles to Quibbletown on the road to Amboy, and
Lord Stirling's division was pushed still further, to the
neighborhood of the Metucking Meeting House, for the
purpose of co-operating with the light parties should the
retreat to Staten Island afford an opportunity of striking
at the rear.

Believing it now practicable to bring on an engagement
and probably hoping to turn the left of the American
army and gain the heights in its rear, Howe, in the night
of the 25th, recalled the troops from Staten Island, and
early next morning (June 26, 1777) made a rapid move-
ment in two columns, towards Westfield. The right, under
the command of Cornwallis took the route by Woodbridge
to the Scotch Plains, and the left, led by Howe in person,
marched by Metucking Meeting House to fall into the
rear of the right column. It was intended that the left
should take a separate road soon after this junction and
attack the left flank of the American army at Quibble-
town, while Cornwallis should gain the heights on the
left of the camp at Middlebrook. Four battalions with
six pieces of cannon were detached to Bonhamtown.

About Woodbridge the right column fell in with one
of the American parties of observation, which gave notice
of this movement. Washington discerned his danger, put
the whole army instantly in motion, and regained the camp
at Middlebrook. Cornwallis fell in with Lord Stirling and
a sharp skirmish ensued, in which the Americans were
driven from their ground with the loss of three field-pieces
and a few men. They retreated to the hills about the
Scotch Plains and were pursued as far as Westfield. Per-

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1045

ceiving the passes in the mountains on the left of the
American camp to be guarded, and the object of this
skilful manoeuvre to be, consequently, unattainable, Corn-
wallis returned through Rahway to Amboy, and the whole
army crossed over to Staten Island.

Washington was now again left to his conjectures re-
specting the plan of the campaign. The very next day
(June 27), after Howe had finally evacuated the Jerseys,
intelligence was received of the appearance of Burgoyne
on Lake Champlain, and that Ticonderoga was threatened.
This intelligence strengthened the opinion that the design
of Howe must be to seize the passes in the mountains on
the Hudson, secure the command of that river, and effect
a junction between the two armies. Yet Washington could
not permit himself to yield so entirely to this impression,
as to make a movement which might open the way by
land to Philadelphia. His army, therefore, maintained its
station at Middlebrook, but arrangements were made to
repel any sudden attack on the posts which defended the
Hudson.

Some changes made in the stations of the British ships
and troops having relieved Washington from his appre-
hensions of a sudden march to Philadelphia, he advanced
Sullivan's division to Pompton Plains, on the way to
Peekskill, and proceeded with the main body of his army
to Morristown, thus approaching the Highlands of New
York without removing so far from Middlebrook as to be
unable to regain that camp should Howe indicate an in-
tention to seize it.

Meanwhile Howe prosecuted diligently his plan of em-
barkation, which was necessarily attended with circum-
stances indicating a much longer voyage than one up the
North river. These circumstances were immediately com-
municated to the Eastern States, and Congress was eam-

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1046 WASHINGTON.

estly pressed to strengthen the fortifications on the Dela-
ware, and to increase the obstructions in that river.

In the midst of these appearances certain intelligence
was received that Burgoyne was in g^eat force on the
lakes, and was advancing against Ticonderoga. This in-
telligence confirmed the opinion that the main object of
Howe must be to effect a junction with Burgoyne on the
North river. Under this impression Washington ordered
Sullivan to Peekskill, and slowly advanced himself, first
to Pompton Plains, and afterward to the Clove, where he
determined to remain until the views of the enemy should
be disclosed.

While Washington thus anxiously watched the move-
ments of his adversary, an agreeable and unexpected piece
of intelligence was received from New England. The
command of the British troops in Rhode Island had de-
volved on General Prescot. Thinking himself perfectly
secure in an island, the water surrounding which was be-
lieved to be entirely guarded by his cruisers, and at the
head of an army greatly superior to any force then col-
lected in that department, he indulged himself in con-
venient quarters rather distant from camp, and was remiss
with respect to the guards about his person. Information
of this negligence was communicated to the main, and a
plan was formed to surprise him. This spirited enterprise
was executed with equal courage and address by Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Barton of the Rhode Island militia.

On the night of the loth Qune, 1777) he embarked on
board four whale-boats at Warwick Neck, with a party
consisting of about forty persons, including Captains Ad-
ams and Philips, and several other officers. After pro-
ceeding about ten miles by water unobserved by the British
guardboats, although several ships of war lay in that quar-
ter, he landed on the west of the island, about midway be-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1047

tween Newport and Bristol Ferry, and marching a mile to
the quarters of Prescot, dexterously seized the sentinel at
his door, and one of his aids. The general himself was
taken out of bed and conveyed to a place of safety.

The success of this intrepid enterprise diffused the more
joy throughout America, because it was supposed to
secure the liberation of General Lee by enabling Washing-
ton to offer an officer of equal rank in exchange for him.

Congress expressed a high sense of the gallant conduct
of Colonel Barton and his party, and presented him with
a sword as a mark of approbation.

As the fleet fell down toward Sandy Hook, Washing-
ton withdrew slowly from the Clove, and disposed his
army in different divisions, so as to march to any point
which might be attacked.

At length the embarkation was completed and the fleet
put to sea.

Still, its destination was uncertain. It might be going
to the south, or it might return to New York and ascend
the Hudson. Soon, however, Washington received intelli-
gence that it had been seen off the capes of the Delaware.
It was of course expected to come up the Delaware and
attack Philadelphia.

Washington ordered the army to march to Germantown,
and himself hastened forward to Chester. The fleet of the
British had disappeared again. It might have returned
to New York, or it might have sailed to New England,
with a view to joining Burgoyne as he was advancing on
Ticonderoga. '

During this period of suspense and conjecture, Wash-
ington was for several days in Philadelphia consulting on
public measures with the committees and members of
Congress. Here he first met Lafayette. This young noble-
man, whose name has since become so dear to every

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1048 WASHINGTON,

American heart, was born at Auvergne, in France, on the
6th of September, 1757. His family was of ancient date
and of the highest rank among the French nobility. He
was left an orphan at an early age, heir to an immense
estate, and exposed to all the temptations of " the gayest
and most luxurious city on earth at the period of its great-
est corruption. He escaped unhurt" Having completed
his college education, he married at the age of sixteen the
daughter of the Duke D'Ayen, of the family of Noailles.
She was younger than himself and was always " the en-
courager of his virtues, and the heroic partner of his
sufferings, his great name, and his honorable grave."

In the summer of 1776 (says Mr. Everett),* and just after
the American declaration of independence, Lafayette was
stationed at Metz, a garrisoned town on the road from
Paris to the German frontier with the regiment to which
he was attached as a captain of dragoons, not then nine-
teen years of age. The Duke of Gloucester, the brother of
the King of England happened to be on a visit to Metz,
and a dinner was given to him by the commandant of the
garrison. Lafayette was invited with other officers to the
entertainment. Dispatches had just been received by the
duke from England relating to American affairs — ^the re-
sistance of the Colonists, and the strong measures adopted
by the ministers to crush the rebellion. Among the details
stated by the Duke of Gloucester was the extraordinary
fact that these remote, scattered, and unprotected settlers
of the wilderness had solemnly declared themselves an in-
dependent people. That word decided the fortunes of the
enthusiastic listener, and not more distinctly was the
great declaration a charter of political liberty to the rising

♦ Eulogy on Lafayette. See " Orations and Speeches on Vari-
ous Occasions," by Edward Everett, vol. I, p. 462.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1049

States, than it was a commission to their youthful cham-
pion to devote his life to the same cause.

The details which he heard were new to him. The Amer-
ican contest was known to him before but as a rebellion, — a
tumultuary affair in a remote transatlantic colony. He
now, with a promptness of perception which, even at this
distance of time, strikes us as little less than miraculous,
addressed a multitude of inquiries to the Duke of Glouces-
ter on the subject of the contest. His imagination was
kindled at the idea of a civilized people struggling for
political liberty. His heart was warmed with the possibility
of drawing his sword in a good cause. Before he left the
table his course was mentally resolved on, and the brother
of the King of England (unconsciously, no doubt) had the
singular fortune to enlist, from the French court and the
French army, this gallant and fortunate champion in the
then unpromising cause of the colonial Congress.

He immediately repaired to Paris to make further in-
quiries and arrangements toward the execution of his
great plan. He confided it to two young friends, officers
like himself, the Count de Segur and Viscount de Noailles,
and proposed to them to join him. They shared his enthu-
siasm, and determined to accompany him, but on consult-
ing their families, they were refused permission. But they
faithfully kept Lafayette's secret. Happily — shall I say —
he was an orphan, independent of control, and master of
his own fortune, amounting to near $40,000 per annum.

He next opened his heart to the Count de Broglie, a
marshal in the French army. To the experienced warrior,
accustomed to the regular campaigns of European service,
the project seemed rash and quixotic, and one that he could
not countenance. Lafayette begged the count at least not
to betray him, as he was resolved (notwithstanding his
disapproval of the subject) to go to America. This the

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1050 WASHINGTON.

count promised, adding, however, " I saw your uncle fall
in Italy, and I witnessed your father's death at the battle
of Minden, and I will not be accessory to the ruin of
the only remaining branch of the family." He then
used all the powers of argument which his age and ex-
perience suggested to him, to dissuade Lafayette from the
enterprise, but in vain. Finding his determination unalter-
able, he made him acquainted with the Baron De Kalb,
who the count knew was about to embark for America, —
an officer of experience and merit who, as is well known,
fell at the batte of Camden.

The Baron de Kalb introduced Lafayette to Silas Deane,
then agent of the United States in France, who explained
to him the state of affairs in America, and encouraged him
in his project. Deane: was but imperfectly acquainted with
the French language, and of manners somewhat repulsive.
A less enthusiastic temper than that of Lafayette might,
perhaps, have been chilled by the reception that he met
with from Deane. He had, as yet, not been acknowledged
in any public capacity, and was beset by the spies of the
British ambassador. For these reasons it was judged ex-
pedient that the visit of Lafayette should not be repeated,
and their further negotiations were conducted through the
intervention of Mr. Carmichael, an American gentleman
at that time in Paris. The arrangement was at length con-
cluded, in virtue of which Deane took upon himself, with-
out authority, but by a happy exercise of discretion, to
engage Lafayette to enter the American service with the
rank of major-general. A vessel was about to be dis-
patched with arms and other supplies for the American
army, and in this vessel it was settled that he should take
passage.

At this juncture the news reached France of the evacu-
ation of New York, the loss of Fort Washington, the cal-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1061

amitous retreat through New Jersey, and other disasters
of the campaign of 1776. The friends of America in
France were in despair. The tidings, bad in themselves,
were greatly exaggerated in the British gazettes. The
plan of sending an armed vessel with munitions was
abandoned. The cause, always doubtful, was now pro-
nounced desperate, and Lafayette was urged by all who
were privy to his project, to give up an enterprise so wild
and hopeless. Even our commissioners (for Deane had
been joined by Dr. Franklin and Arthur Lee) told him
they could not in conscience urge him to proceed. His
answer was : " My zeal and love of liberty have perhaps
hitherto been the prevailing motive with me, but now I
see a chance of usefulness which I had not anticipated.
These supplies I know are greatly wanted by Congress. I
have money ; I will purchase a vessel to convey them to
America, and in this vessel my companions and myself will
take passage."

His purpose was opposed by the government, and he
was obliged to escape into Spain and sail from that
country. He landed near Georgetown in South Carolina,
and in company with the Baron de Kalb, the companion of
his voyage, proceeded to Charleston, where they were re-
ceived with enthusiasm by the magistrates and the people.

As soon as possible they proceeded by land to Phila-
delphia. On his arrival there, with the eagerness of a
youth anxious to be employed upon his errand, he sent
his letters to Mr. Lovell, chairman of the committee of
foreign relations. He called the next day at the hall of
Congress, and asked to see this gentleman. Mr. Lovell
came out to him, stated that so many foreigners offered
themselves for employment in the American army that
Congress was greatly embarrassed to find them com-
mands ; that the finances of the country required the most

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105» WASHINGTON.

ripd economy, and that he feared, in the present case,
there was little hope of success. Lafayette perceived that
the worthy chairman had made up his report without look-
ing at the papers ; he explained to him that his application,
if granted, would lay no burden upon the finances of Con-
gress, and addressed a letter to the president, in which
he expressed a wish to enter the American army on the
condition of serving without pay or emolument, and on
the footing of a volunteer. These conditions removed the
chief obstacles alluded to in reference to the appointment
of foreign officers ; the letters brought by Lafayette made
known to Congress his high connections, and his large
means of usefulness, and without an hour's delay he re-
ceived from them a commission of major-general in the
American army, a month before he was twenty years of
age.

Washington was at headquarters when Lafayette
reached Philadelphia, but he was daily expected in the
city. The introduction of the youthful stranger to the man
on whom his career depended was therefore delayed a few
days. It took place in a manner peculiarly marked with
the circumspection of Washington, at a dinner party,
where Lafayette was one among several guests of con-
sideration. Washington was not uninformed of the cir-
cumstances connected with his arrival in the country. He
knew what benefit it promised the cause if his character
and talents were adapted to the cause he had so boldly
struck out, and he knew also how much it was to be feared
that the very qualities which had prompted him to embark
in it, would make him a useless and even a dangerous
auxiliary. We may well suppose that the piercing eye of
the Father of his Country was not idle during the repast.
But that searching glance, before which pretense or fraud
never stood undetected, was completely satisfied. When

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UFE AND TIMES. 1053

they were about to separate, Washington took Lafayette
aside, spoke to him with kindness, paid a just tribute to
the noble spirit which he had shown, and the sacrifices he
had made in the American cause, invited him to make the
headquarters of the army his home, and to regard him-
self at all times as one of the family of the Commander-
in-Chief.

Such was the reception given to Lafayette by the most
sagacious and observant of men, and the personal ac-
quaintance thus commenced ripened into an intimacy, a
confidence, and an affection without bounds, and never for
one moment interrupted. If there lived a man whom
Washington loved it was Lafayette. The proofs of this
are not wanted by those who have read the history of the
Revolution, but the private correspondence of these two
great men, hitherto unpublished, discloses the full extent
of the mutual regard and affection which united them. It
not only shows that Washington entertained the highest
opinion of the military talent, the personal probity, and
the general prudence and energy of Lafayette, but tfiat he
regarded him with the tenderness of a father, and fotmd
in the affection which Lafayette bore to him in return
one of the greatest comforts and blessings of his own life.
Whenever the correspondence of Washington and Lafay-
ette shall be published, the publication will do what per-
haps nothing else can — raise them both in the esteem and
admiration of mankind.

Our readers will pardon this somewhat lengthened quo-
tation respecting the bosom friend of Washington. We
now return to our narrative of events.

Late in the month of August (1777), Washington was
relieved from his suspense in regard to the movements of
Howe. He received intelligence that the British fleet had
sailed up Chesapeake bay, and that he was landing his

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1054 WASHINGTON.

army at the head of Elk river, now Elkton. It was at
length cleariy apparent that his object was the capture of
Philadelphia.

At the place of debarkation the British army was within
a few days' march of Philadelphia; no great rivers were
in its way, and there was no very strong position of which
the enemy could take possession. On landing. General
Howe issued a proclamation promising that private prop-
erty should be respected, and offering pardon and protec-
tion to all who should submit to him, but, as the Ameri-
can army was at hand, the proclamation produced little
effect.

Washington distinctly understood the nature of the con-
test in which he was engaged, and, sensible of the inferior-
ity of his raw and disorderly army to the veteran troops
under Howe, he wished to avoid a general engagement,
but aware of the effect which the fall of Philadelphia would
produce on the minds of the people, determined to make
every effort in order to retard the progress and defeat the
aim of the royal army. Accordingly, he marched to meet
General Howe, who, from want of horses, many of which
had perished in the voyage, and from other causes, was
unable to proceed from the head of the Elk before the
3d of September (1777). On the advance of the royal
army, Washington retreated across Brandywine creek,
which falls into the Delaware at Wilmington. He took
post with his main body opposite Chad's ford, where it
was expected the British would attempt the passage, and
ordered General Sullivan, with a detachment, to watch
the fords above. He sent General Maxwell with about
1,000 light troops, to occupy the high ground on the other
side of the Brandywine, to skirmish with the British, and
retard them in their progress.

On the morning of the nth of September, the British

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UFE AND TIMES. 1055

army advanced in two columns; the right, under General
Knyphausen, marched straight to Chad's ford; the left,
under Comwallis, accompanied by Howe and Generals
Grey, Grant, and Agnew, proceeded by a circuitous route
toward a point named the Forks, where the two branches
of the Brand)rwine tmite, with a view to turn the right of
the Americans and gain their rear. General Knyphausen's
van soon found itself opposed to the light troops und«r
General Maxwell. A smart conflict ensued. General
Knyphausen reinforced his advanced guard, and drove the
Americans across the rivulet to shelter themselves tmder
their batteries on the north bank. General Knyphausen
ordered some artillery to be placed on the most advan-
tageous points, and a cannonade was carried on with the
American batteries on the heights beyond the ford.

Meanwhile the left wing of the British crossed the fords
above the Forks. Of this movement General Washington
had early notice, but the information which he received
from different quarters, through his raw and unpracticed
scouts, was confused and contradictory, and consequently
his operations were embarrassed. After passing the fords,
Comwallis took the road to Dilworth, which led him on
the American right. General Sullivan, who had been ap-
pointed to guard that quarter, occupied the heights above
Birmingham Church, his left extending to the Brand3rwine,
his artillery judiciously placed, and his right flank covered
by woods. About four in the afternoon Comwallis formed
the line of battle and began the attack : for some time the
Americans sustained it with intrepidity, but at length gave
way. When Washington heard the firing in that direction
he ordered General Greene, with a brigade, to support
General Sullivan. General Greene marched four miles in
forty-two minutes, but, on reaching the scene of action, he
found General Sullivan's division defeated, and in con-

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1056 WASHINGTON.

fusion. He covered the retreat, and, after some time, find-
ing an advantageous position, he renewed the battle, and
arrested the progress of the pursuing enemy.

General Knyphausen, as soon as he heard the firing of
Comwallis's division, forced the passage of Chad's ford,
attacked the troops opposed to him, and compelled them
to make a precipitate and disorderly retreat. General
Washington, with the part of his army which he was able
to keep together, retired with his artillery and baggage to
Chester, where he halted within eight miles of the British
army, till next morning, when he retreated to Philadelphia.

Among the foreign officers engaged in this battle be-
sides Lafayette, who was wounded in the leg during the
action, were General Deborre,* a French officer ; General
Conway, an Irishman, who had served in France; Capt.
Louis Fleury, a French engineer, and Count Pulaski, a
Polish nobleman, subsequently distinguished as a com-
mander of cavalry.

As must ever be the case in new-raised armies, unused
to danger and from which undeserving officers have not
been expelled, their conduct was not uniform. Some regi-
ments, especially those which had served the preceding
campaign, maintained their ground with the firmness and
intrepidity of veterans, while others gave way as soon as
they were pressed. The author of a very correct history
of the war, speaking of this action, says : "A part of the
troops, among whom were particularly numbered some
Virginia regiments, and the whole corps of artillery, be-
haved exceedingly well in some of the actions of this day,
exhibiting a degree of order, firmness, and resolution, and
preserving such a countenance in extremely sharp service,

♦ Deborre's brigade broke first; and, on an inquiry into his
conduct being directed, he resigned. A misunderstanding existed
between him and Sullivan, on whose right he was stationed.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1057

as would not have discredited veterans. Some other
bodies of their troops behaved very badly."

The ofiidal letter of Sir William Howe stated his loss at
rather less than loo killed and 400 wounded, and this ac-
count was accepted at the time as true. A late discovery
shows its falsehood. Mr. Headley, in his recent " Life of
Washington," notices the finding of a document which
settles the question.

It was found, he says, among Gen. James Clinton's
papers, carefully filed away and indorsed by himself. On
the back, in his own handwriting, is inscribed: "Taken
from the enemy's ledgers, which fell into the hands of
General Washington's army at the action of Germantown."

Within is the following statement:

" State of the British troops and position they were in
when they made the attack at Brandywine, the nth of
September, 1777.

The upper ford, under the command of Lieutenant Lord
Comwallis :

Killed and
Second Regiment, British Guards; Second wounded.

Regiment, Light Infantry 1,740 612

Second Brigade, British Foot 2,240 360

First Division, Hessians 800 70

Ferguson's Riflemen 80 46

Totals * 4,860 1,088

Middle ford, under the command of Major-General
Gray:

Second Battalion, Guards 500

Second Battalion, Second Highlanders 700

Second Battalion, Seventieth Highlanders 700

Total 1,900

67

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1058 WASHINGTON.

Lower ford, under the command of lieutenant-General
Knyphausen :

Second Brigade, consisting of the Fourth, Killed and

Fifth, Tenth, Fifteenth, Twenty-third, wounded.
Twenty-seventh, Twenty-eighth, Fortieth,

Forty-fourth, and Fifty-fifth Regiments.. 2,240 580

Hessians to the amount of 800 26

Queen's Rangers 480 290

Total 3,520 898

1,900

4,860 1,088

The whole British force 10,280 1,986

1,986

8,294"

The estimate, says Mr. Headley, of the total force which
the British had on the field, makes the two armies actually
engaged about equal. The heavy loss here given seems,
at first sight, almost incredible, and puts an entirely dif-
ferent aspect on the battle. Of the authenticity and ac-
curacy of this document I think there can be no doubt.

From the ardor with which Washington had inspired
his troops before this action, it is probable that the con-
flict would have been more severe had the intelligence
respecting the movement on the left of the British army
been less contradictory. Raw troops, changing their
ground in the moment of action, and attacked in the agita-
tion of moving, are easily thrown into confusion. This
was the critical situation of a part of Sullivan's division,
and was the cause of its breaking before Greene could be
brought up to support it, after which it was impossible to
retrieve the fortune of the day.

But had the best disposition of the troops been made

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UFE AND TIMES. 1059

at the time, which subsequent intelligence would suggest,
the action could not have terminated in favor of the Amer-
icans. Their inferiority in numbers, in discipline, and in
arms was too great to leave them a probable prospect of
victory. A battle, however, was not to be avoided. The
opinion of the public and of Congress demanded it. The
loss of Philadelphia, without an attempt to preserve it,
would have excited discontent throughout the country,
which might be productive of serious mischief, and action,
though attended with defeat, provided the loss be not too
great, must improve an army in which not only the mili-
tary talents, but even the courage of ofiicers, some of them
of high rank, remained to be ascertained.

The battle of Brandywine was not considered as decisive
by Congress, the general, or the army. The opinion was
carefully cherished that the British had gained only the
ground, and that their loss was still more considerable than
had been sustained by the Americans. Congress appeared
determined to risk another battle for the metropolis of
America. Far from discovering any intention to change
their place of session, they passed vigorous resolutions for
reinforcing the army, and directed Washington to give the
necessary orders for completing the defenses of the Dela-
ware.

From Chester the army marched through Darby, over
the Schuylkill bridge to its former ground near the falls
of that river. Greene's division, which, having been less
in action, was more entire than any other, covered the
rear, and the corps of Maxwell remained at Chester until
the next day as a rallying point for the small parties and
straggling soldiers who might yet be in the neighborhood.

Having allowed his army one day for repose and re-
freshment, Washington recrossed the Schuylkill and pro-

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106Q WASHINGTON.

ceeded on the Lancaster road, with the intention of risking
another engagement

Sir William Howe passed the night of the nth on
the field of battle. On the succeeding day he detached
Major-General Grant with two brigades to Concord Meet-
ing House, and on the 13th (September, 1777), Lord Com-
wallis joined General Grant, and marched toward Chester.
Another detachment took possession of Wilmington, to
which place the sick and wounded were conveyed.

To prevent a sudden movement to Philadelphia by the
lower road the bridge over the Schuylkill was loosened
from its moorings, and General Armstrong was directed,
with the Pennsylvania militia, to guard the passes over that
river.

On the fifteenth the American army, intending to gain
the left of the British, reached the Warren tavern, on the
Lancaster road, twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. In-
telligence was received early next morning that Howe was
approaching in two columns. It being too late to reach
the ground he had intended to occupy Washington re-
solved to meet and engage him in front.

Both armies prepared with great alacrity for battle. The
advanced parties had met, and were beginning to skirmish,
when they were separated by a heavy rain, which, becom-
ing more and more violent, rendered the retreat of the
Americans a measure of absolute necessity. The inferior-
ity of their arms never brought them into such imminent
.peril as on this occasion. Their gun-locks not being well
secured, their muskets soon became unfit for use. Their
cartridge-boxes had been so badly constructed as not to
protect their ammunition from the tempest. Their car-
tridges were soon damaged, and this mischief was the
more serious, because very many of the soldiers were
without bayonets.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1061

The army being thus rendered unfit for action the de-
sign of giving battle was reluctantly abandoned by Wash-
ing and a retreat commenced. It was continued all the
day and great part of the night, through a cold and most
distressing rain and very deep roads. A few hours before
day (September 17th), the troops halted at the Yellow
Springs, where their arms and ammunition were examined,
and the alarming fact was disclosed that scarcely a musket
in a regiment could be discharged and scarcely one car-
tridge in a box was fit for use. This state of things sug-
gested the precaution of moving to a still greater distance
in order to refit their arms, obtain a fresh supply of am-
munition, and revive the spirits of the army. Washington
therefore retired to Warwick Furnace on the south branch
of French creek, where ammunition and muskets might be
obtained in time to dispute the passage of the Schuylkill
and make yet another effort to save Philadelphia.

The extreme severity of the weather had entirely
stopped the British army. During two days Howe made
no other movement than to unite his columns.

From French creek General Wayne was detached with
his division into the rear of the British with orders to join
General Smallwood, and, carefully concealing himself and
his movements, to seize every occasion which this march
might offer of engaging them to advantage. Meanwhile,
(General Washington crossed the Schuylkill at Parker's
Ferry, and encamped on both sides of Perkyomen creek.

General Wa3me lay in the woods near the entrance of
the road from Darby into that leading to Lancaster, about
three miles in the rear of the left wing of the British
troops encamped at Trydruffin, where he believed himself
to be perfectly secure. But the country was so exten-
sively disaffected that Howe received accurate accounts
of his position and of his force. Major-General Gray was

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1062 WASHINGTON.

detached to surprise him, and effectually accomplished his
purpose. About ii in the night of the 20th his pickets,
driven in with charged bayonets, gave the first intima-
tion of Gray's approach. Wayne instantly formed his
division, and, while his right sustained a fierce assault,
directed a retreat by the left, under cover of a few regi-
ments, who, for a short time, withstood the violence of
shock. In his letter to Washington, he says that they
gave the assailants some well-directed fires, which must
have done considerable execution, and that, after retreat-
ing from the ground on which the engagement com-
menced, they formed again, at a small distance from the
scene of action, but that both parties drew off without
renewing the conflict. He states his loss at about 150
killed and wounded. The British accounts admit, on their
part, a loss of only 7.

When the attack commenced. General Smallwood, who
was on his march to join Wayne, a circumstance entirely
unexpected by General Gray, was within less than a mile
of him, and, had he commanded regulars, might have
given a very different turn to the night. But his militia
thought only of their own safety, and, having fallen in
with a party returning from the pursuit of Wa3me, fled
in confusion, with the loss of only one man.

Some severe animadversions on this unfortunate affair
having been made in the army, General Wayne demanded
a court-martial, which, after investigating his conduct,
was unanimously of opinion, " that he had done everything
to be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant oJBScer,"
and acquitted him with honor.

Having secured his rear, by compelling Wayne to take
a greater distance, Howe marched along the valley road
to the Schuylkill and encamped on the bank of that river.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1063

from the Fatland ford up to French creek, along the
front of the American army. To secure his right from
being turned, Washington ag^n changed his position and
encamped with his left near, but above, the British right.

Howe now relinquished his plan of bringing Washing-
ton to another battle, and thinking it advisable, perhaps,
to transfer the seat of war to the neighborhood of his
ships, determined to cross the Schuylkill and take posses-
sion of Philadelphia. In the afternoon he ordered one
detachment to cross at Fatland ford, which was on his
right, and another to cross at Grordon's ford, on his left,
and to take possession of the heights commanding them.
These orders were executed without much difficulty, and
the American troops placed to defend these fords were
easily dispersed.

This service being effected, the whole army marched
by its right, about midnight, and crossing at Fatland with-
out opposition, proceeded a considerable distance toward
Philadelphia, and encamped with its left near Sweed's
ford and its right on the Manatawny road, having Stony
Run in its course.

It was now apparent that only immediate victory could
save Philadelphia from the grasp of the British general
whose situation gave him the option of either taking pos-
session of that place or endeavoring to bring on another
engagement. If, therefore, a battle must certainly be
risked to save the capital it would be necessary to attack
the enemy.

Public opinion, which a military chief finds too much
difficulty in resisting, and the opinion of Congress, required
a battle; but, on a temperate consideration of circum-
stances, Washington came to the wise decision of avoiding
one for the present.

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1064 WASHINGTON.

His reasons for this decision were conclusive. Wayne
and Small wood had not yet joined the army. The Con-
tinental troops ordered from Peekskill, who had been
detained for a time by an incursion from New York, were
approaching, and a reinforcement of Jersey militia, under
General Dickenson, was also expected.

To these powerful motives against risking an engage-
ment, other considerations of great weight were added,
founded on the condition of his soldiers. An army,
manoeuvring in an open country, in the face of a very
superior enemy, is unavoidably exposed to excessive
fatigue and extreme hardship. The effect of these hard-
ships was much increased by the privations under which
the American troops suffered. While in almost continual
motion, wading deep rivers, and encountering every vicis-
situde of the seasons, they were without tents, nearly with-
out shoes, or winter clothes, and often without food.

A council of war concurred in the opinion Washington
had formed, not to march against the enemy, but to allow
his harassed troops a few days for repose and to remain
on his present ground until the expected reinforcements
should arrive.

Immediately after the battle of Brandywine, the dis-
tressed situation of the army had been represented to
Congress, who had recommended the executive of Penn-
sylvania to seize the cloths and other military stores in
the warehouses of Philadelphia, and, after granting certifi-
cates expressing their value, to convey them to a place of
safety. The executive, being unwilling to encounter the
odium of this strong measure, advised that the extraordi-
nary powers of the Commander-in-Chief should be used
on the occasion. Lieut.-Col. Alexander Hamilton, one of
the General's aides, already in high estimation for his

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UFE AND TIMES. 1065

talents and zeal, was employed on this delicate business.
" Your own prudence/' isaid the General, in a letter to
him while in Philadelphia, "will point out the least excep-
tionable means to be pursued ; but remember, delicacy and
a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of application
must give place to our necessities. We must, if possible,
accommodate the soldiers with such articles as they stand
in need of or we shall have just reason to apprehend the
most injurious and alarming consequences from the ap-
proaching season."

All the efforts, however, of this very active ofiicer could
not obtain a supply in any degree adequate to the pressing
and increasing wants of the army.

Colonel Hamilton was also directed to cause the mili-
tary stores which had been previously collected to a large
amount in Philadelphia, and the vessels which were lying
at the wharves, to be removed up the Delaware. This
duty was executed with so much vigilance that very little
public property fell, with the city, into the hands of the
British general, who entered it on the 26th of September
{^777)' The members of Congress separated on the i8th,
in the evening, and reassembled at Lancaster on the 27th
of the same month. From thence they subsequently
adjourned to Yorktown, where they remained eight
months, till Philadelphia was evacuated by the British.

From the 25th of August, when the British army landed
at the head of Elk, until the 26th of September, when it
entered Philadelphia, the campaign had been active, and
the duties of the American general uncommonly ardu-
ous. Some English writers* bestow high encomiums on

♦All English writers do not concur in this view of the matter.
The British historian, Stedman, gives the following sharp criticism
on Howe's conduct in the affair of the Brandywine:

" The victory does not seem to have been improved in the degree

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1066 WASHINGTON.

Sir William Howe for his military skill and masterly move-
ments during this period. At Brandywine especially,
Washington is supposed to have been " out-generaled,
more out-generaled than in any action during the war."
If all the operations of this trying period be examined,
and the means in possession of both be considered, the
American chief will appear in no respect inferior to his
adversary, or unworthy of the high place assigned to him
in the opinions of his countrymen. With an army de-
cidedly inferior, not only in numbers, but in every military
requisite except courage, in an open country, he employed
his enemy near thirty days in advancing about sixty miles.
In this time he fought one general action, and, though
defeated, was able to reassemble the same undisciplined,

which circumstances appeared to have admitted. When the left
column of the British had turned Washington's right flank, his
whole army was hemmed in: — General Knyphausen and the
Brandywine in front; Sir William Howe and Lord Comwallis on
his right; the Delaware in his rear; and the Christiana river on
his left He was obliged to retreat twenty-three miles to Phila-
delphia, when the British lay within eighteen miles of it Had
the Commander-in-Chief detached General Knyphausen's column
in pursuit tarly next morning, General Washington might
with ease have been intercepted, either at the Heights of Crum
Creek, nine miles; at Derby, fourteen; or at Philadelphia, eighteen
miles, from the British camp; or, the Schuylkill might have been
passed at Gray's Ferry, only seventy yards over, and Philadelphia,
with the American mag^izines, taken, had not the pontoons been
improvidently left at New York as useless. Any one of these
movements, it was thought, might have been attended with the
total destruction of the American army. For some reason, how-
ever, which it is impossible to divine, the Commander-in-Chief
employed himself for several days in making slight movements
which could not by any possibility produce any important benefits
to the British cause."

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UFE AND TIMES. 1067

unclothed, and almost unfed army ; and, the fifth day after-
ward, again to offer battle. When the armies were sepa-
rated by a storm which involved him in the most dis-
tressing circumstances, he extricated himself from them,
and still maintained a respectable and imposing counte-
nance.

The only advantage he is supposed to have given was
at the battle of Brandywine, and that was produced by
the contrariety and uncertainty of the intelligence received.
A general must be governed by his intelligence, and must
regulate his measures by his information. It is his duty
to obtain correct information, and among the most valu-
able traits of a military character is the skill to select those
means which will obtain it. Yet the best-selected means
are not always successful; and, in a new army, where mili-
tary talent has not been well tried by the standard of ex-
perience, the general is peculiarly exposed to the chance
of employing not the best instruments. In a country, too,
which is covered with wood precise information of the
numbers composing different columns is to be gained with
difficulty.

Taking into view the whole series of operations, from
the landing of Howe at the Head of Elk to his entering
Philadelphia, the superior generalship of Washington is
clearly manifest. Howe, with his numerous and well-
appointed army, performed a certain amount of routine
work and finally gained the immediate object which he had
in view — the possession of Philadelphia — when, by every
military rule, he should have gone up the Hudson to co-
operate with Burg03me. Washington, with his army, com-
posed almost entirely of raw recruits and militia, kept his
adversary out of Philadelphia a month, still menaced him
with an imposing front in his new position, and subse-

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1068 WASHINGTON.

quently held him in check there while Gates was defeating
and capturing Burgoyne.

We shall see, in the ensuing chapter, that although
Howe had attained his first object in gaining possession
of Philadelphia, he had still many new difficulties and dan-
gers to encounter at the hands of his daring and persever-
ing opponent before he could comfortably establish him-
self in winter quarters.

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CHAPTER XI.

WA5HINQT0N HOLDS HOWB IN CHBCIC

1777.

WASHINGTON seems to have been by no means
disheartened at the loss of Philadelphia. On
the contrary he justly regarded the circumstance
of the enemy holding that city as one which might, as in
the sequel it actually did, turn to the advantage of the
American cause. Writing to General Trumbull on the
1st of October (1777), he says: "You will hear, before
this gets to hand, that the enemy have at length gained
possession of Philadelphia. Many unavoidable difficulties
and unlucky accidents which we had to encounter helped
to promote this success. This is an event which we have
reason to wish had not happened, and which will be at-
tended with several ill consequences, but I hope it will
not be so detrimental as many apprehend, and that a little
time and perseverance will give us some favorable oppor-
tunity of recovering our loss, and of putting our affairs in
a more flourishing condition. Our army has now had the
rest and refreshment it stood in need of, and oiu* soldiers
are in very good spirits."

Philadelphia being lost Washington sought to make its
occupation inconvenient and insecure by rendering it in-
accessible to the British fleet. With this design works
had been erected on a low, marshy island in the Delaware,
near the junction of the Schuylkill, which, from the nature

(1069)

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1070 WASHINGTON.

of its soil, was called Mud Island. On the opposite shore
of Jersey, at Red Bank, a fort had also been constructed
which was defended with heavy artillery. In the deep
channel between, or under cover of these batteries, several
ranges of chevaux-de-frise had been sunk. These were so
strong and heavy as to be destructive of any ship which
might strike against them, and were sunk in such a depth
of water as rendered it equally difiicujt to weigh them or
cut them through; no attempt to raise them, or to open
the channel in any manner, could be successful until the
command of the shores on both sides should be obtained.

Other ranges of chevaux-de-frise had been sunk about ^
three miles lower down the river, and some considerable
works were in progress at Billingsport on the Jersey side,
which were in such forwardness as to be provided with
artillery. These works were further supported by several
galleys mounting heavy cannon, together with two float-
ing batteries, a number of armed vessels, and some fire
ships.

The present relative situation of the armies gave a de-
cisive importance to these works. Cutting off the commu-
nication of Howe with his brother's fleet, they prevented
his receiving supplies by water. While the Aiiierican
vessels in the river above Fort Mifflin, the name given
to the fort on Mud Island, rendered it difiicult to forage
in Jersey, Washington hoped to render his supplies on the
side of Pennsylvania so precarious as to compel him to
evacuate Philadelphia.

The advantages of this situation were considerably
diminished by the capture of the Delaware frigate.

The day after Cornwallis entered Philadelphia three bat-
teries were commenced for the purpose of acting against
any American ships which might appear before the town.
While yet incomplete they were attacked by two frigates,

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UFE AND TIMES. 1071

assisted by several galleys and gondolas. The Delaware,
being left by the tide while engaged with the battery,
grounded and was captured, soon after which the smaller
frigate and the other vessels retired under the g^ns of the
fort. This circumstance was the more unfortunate as it
gave the British general the command of the ferry, and
consequently free access to Jersey, and enabled him to
intercept the communication between the forts below and
Trenton, from which place the garrisons were to have
drawn their military stores.

All the expected reinforcements, except the State regi-
ment and militia from Virginia, being arrived, and the de-
tached parties being called in, the effective strength of
the army amounted to 8,000 Continental troops and 3,000
militia. With this force Washington determined to ap-
proach the enemy and seize the first favorable moment to
attack him. In pursuance of this determination the army
took a position on the Skippack road, September 30th
(1777), about twenty miles from Philadelphia and sixteen
from Germantown — a village stretching on both sides
the great road leading northward from Philadelphia,
which forms one continued street nearly two miles in
length. The British Hne of encampment crossed this vil-
lage at right angles near the center, and Cornwallis, with
four regiments of grenadiers, occupied Philadelphia. The
immediate object of General Howe being the removal of
the obstructions in the river. Colonel Stirling, with two
regiments, had been detached to take possession of the
fort at Billingsport, which he accomplished without oppo-
sition. This service being effected, and the works facing
the water destroyed. Colonel Stirling was directed to es-
cort a convoy of provisions from Chester to Philadelphia.
Some apprehensions being entertained for the safety of

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1072 WASHINGTON.

this convoy, another regiment was detached from German-
town, with directions to join Colonel Stirling.

This division of the British force appeared to Washing-
ton to furnish a fair opportunity to engage Sir William
Howe with advantage. Determining to avail himself of
it, he formed a plan for surprising the camp at German-
town. This plan consisted, in its general outline, of a night
march and double attack, consentaneously made, on both
flanks of the enemy's right wing, while a demonstration,
or attack, as circumstances should render proper, was to
be directed on the western flank of his left wing. With
these orders and objects the American army began its
march from Skippack creek at 7 o'clock in the evening of
the 3d of October (1777), in two columns — the right, un-
der Sullivan and Wayne, taking the Chestnut Hill road,
followed by Stirling's division in reserve; the left, com-
posed of the divisions of Greene and Stephen, with
M'Dougal's brigade and 1400 Maryland and Jersey militia
taking the Limekiln and old York roads, while Arm-
strong's Pennsylvania militia advanced by the Rfdge road.
Washington accompanied the right wing, and at dawn of
day, next morning, attacked the royal army. After a smart
conflict he drove in the advance guard, which was sta-
tioned at the head of the village, and with his army divided
into five columns prosecuted the attack, but Lieutenant-
Colonel Musgrave, of the Fortieth regiment, which had
been driven in, and who had been able to keep five com-
panies of the regiment together, threw himself into a large
stone house in the village, belonging to Mr. Chew, which
stood in front of the main column of the Americans, and
there almost a half of Washington's army was detained
for a considerable time. Instead of masking Chew's house
with a sufficient force and advancing rapidly with their

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UFE AND TIMES. 1073

main body, the Americans attacked the house, which was
obstinately defended. The delay was very unfortunate, for
the critical moment was lost in fruitless attempts on the
house; the royal troops had time to get under arms and
be in readiness to resist or attack, as circumstances re-
quired. General Grey came to the assistance of Colonel
Musgrave; the engagement for some time was general
and warm; at length the Americans began to give way
and eflfected a retreat with all their artillery. The morning
was very foggy, a circumstance which had prevented the
Americans from combining and conducting their opera-
tions as they otherwise might have- done, but which now
favored their retreat by concealing their movements.

In this engagement the British had 600 men killed or
wounded; among the slain were Brigadier-General Agnew
and Colonel Bird, officers of distinguished reputation. The
Americans lost an equal number in killed and wounded,
besides 400 who were taken prisoners. General Nash, of
North Carolina, was among those who were killed. After
the battle Washington returned to his encampment at Skip-
pack creek.

The plan of attack formed by Washington for the battle
of Germantown was fully justified by the result. The
British camp was completely surprised, and their army
was on the point of being entirely routed, when the con-
tinued fog led the American soldiers to mistake friends
for foes, and caused a panic which threw everything into
confusion and enabled the enemy to rally.

Washington, writing to his brother John Augustine,
says : " If it had not been for a thick fog, which rendered
it so dark at times that we were not able to distinguish
friend from foe at the distance of thirty yards, we should,
I believe, have made a decisive and glorious day of it.

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1074 WASHINGTON.

But Providence designed it otherwise, for, after we had
driven the enemy a mile or two, after they were in the
utmost confusion and flying before us in most places, after
we were upon the point, as it appeared to everybody, of
grasping a complete victory, our own troops took fright
and fled with precipitation and disorder. How to account
for this I know not, unless, as I before observed, the fog
represented their own friends to them for a reinforcement
of the enemy, as we attacked in different quarters at the
same time, and were about closing the wings of our army
when this happened. One thing, indeed, contributed not
a little to our misfortune, and that was a want of ammuni-
tion on the right wing, which began the engagement, and
in the course of two hours and forty minutes, which time
it lasted, had, many of them, expended the forty rounds
that they took into the field. After the engagement we
removed to a place about twenty miles from the enemy to
collect our forces together, to take care of our wounded,
get furnished with necessaries again, and be in a better
posture either for offensive or defensive operations. We
are now advancing toward the enemy again, being at this
time within twelve miles of them."

Writing to the President of Congress (October 7, 1777)
he still imputes the disaster to the fog: " It is with much
chagrin and mortification I add that every account con-
firms the opinion I at first entertained, that our troops
retreated at the instant when victory was declaring her-
self in our favor. The tumult, disorder, and even despair,
which, it seems, had taken place in the British army, were
scarcely to be paralleled; and it is said, so strongly did the
idea of a retreat prevail, that Chester was fixed on as their
rendezvous. I can discover no other cause for not im-
proving this happy opportunity, than the extreme haziness
of the weather."

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UFE AND TIMES. 1075

Much controversy has arisen among writers as to the
cause of failure at Germantown, but Washington's means
of observation were certainly not inferior to those of any
other person whatever, and in the above extracts the whole
matter is clearly explained. He does not refer to the de-
lay at Qiew's house as the cause of failure. Panic struck
as the British were, they would have been defeated, not-
withstanding the delay at that impromptu fortress, if the
fog had not occasioned the American soldiers to believe
that the firing on their own side proceeded from the enemy,
and that they were about to be surrounded. Hence the
recoil and retreat. It was apparently a great misfortune,
but it was the destiny of Washington to achieve greatness
in spite of severe and repeated misfortunes.

The same opinion respecting the fog is expressed in
the following extract from a letter from General Sullivan
to the President of New Hampshire:

"We brought off all our cannon and all our wounded.
Our loss in the action amounts to less than 700, mostly
wounded. We lost some valuable officers, among whom
were the brave General Nash, and my two aides-de-camp,
Majors Sherburne and White, whose singular bravery
must ever do honor to their memories. Our army ren-
dezvoused at Paulen's Mills, and seems very desirous of
another action. The misfortunes of this day were prin-
cipally owing to a thick fog which, being rendered still
more so by the smoke of the cannon and musketry, pre-
vented our troops from discovering the motions of the
enemy, or acting in concert with each other. I cannot
help observing that with great concern I saw our brave
commander exposing himself to the hottest fire of the
enemy in such a manner that regard for my country obliged
me to ride to him and beg him to retire. He, to gratify

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1076 WASHINGTON.

me and some others, withdrew a small distance, but his
anxiety for the fate of the day soon brought him up again,
where he remained till our troops had retreated."

Congress unanimously adopted the following resolution
on hearing of the battle of Germantown:

** Resolved, That the thanks of Congress be given to
General Washington, for his wise and well-concerted at-
tack upon the enemy's army near Germantown, on the 4th
instant, and to the officers and soldiers of the army for
their brave exertions on that occasion; Congress being
well satisfied, that the best designs and boldest efforts may
sometimes fail by unforeseen incidents, trusting that, on
future occasions, the valor and virtue of the army will, by
the blessing of Heaven, be crowned with complete and
deserved success."

The attention of both armies was now principally di-
rected to the forts below Philadelphia. These it was the
great object of Howe to destroy, and of Washington to
defend and maintain.

The loss of the Delaware frigate, and of Billingsport,
greatly discouraged the seamen by whom the galleys and
floating batteries were manned. Believing the fate of
America to be decided, an opinion strengthened by the
intelligence received from their connections in Philadel-
phia, they manifested the most alarming defection, and
several officers as well as sailors deserted to the enemy.
This desponding temper was checked by the battle of Ger-
mantown, and by throwing a garrison of Continental troops
into the fort at Red Bank, called Fort Mercer, the defense
of which had been intrusted to militia. This fort com-
manded the channel between the Jersey shore and Mud
Island, and the American vessels were secure under Its
guns. The militia of Jersey were relied on to reinforce
its garrison, and also to form a corps of observation which

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UFE AND TIMES. 1077

might harass the rear of any detachment investing the
place.

To increase the inconvenience of Howe's situation by
intercepting his supplies Washington ordered 600 militia,
commanded by General Potter, to cross the Schuylkill and
scour the country between that river and Chester, and the
militia on the Delaware, above Philadelphia, were directed
to watch the roads in that vicinity.

The more effectually to stop those who were seduced
by the hope of gold and silver to supply the enemy at this
critical time. Congress passed a resolution subjecting to
martial law and to death all who should furnish them with
provisions, or certain other enumerated articles, who
should be taken within thirty miles of any city, town, or
place in Jersey, Pennsylvania, or Delaware, occupied by
British troops.

These arrangements being made to cut off supplies from
the country, Washington took a strong position at White
Marsh, within fourteen miles of Philadelphia.

Meanwhile General Howe was actively preparing to at-
tack Fort Mifflin from the Pennsylvania shore. He erected
some batteries at the mouth of the Schuylkill, in order to
command Webb's Ferry, which were attacked by Com-
modore Hazlewood and silenced; but the following night
a detachment crossed over Webb's Ferry into Province
Island, and constructed a slight work opposite Fort Mifflin,
within two musket shots of the blockhouse, from which
they were enabled to throw shot and shells into the bar-
racks. When daylight discovered this work three galleys
and a floating battery were ordered to attack it and the
garrison surrendered. While the boats were bringing off
the prisoners, a large column of British troops were seen
marching into the fortress, upon which the attack on it
was renewed, but without success, and two attempts made

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1078 WASHINGTON.

by Lieutenant-Colonel Smith* to storm it failed. In a few
nights works were completed on the high ground of
Province Island, which enfiladed the principal battery of
Fort Mifflin, and rendered it necessary to throw up some
cover on the platform to protect the men who worked the
guns.

The aid expected from the Jersey militia was not re-
ceived. "Assure yourself," said Lieutenant-Colonel Smith,
in a letter pressing earnestly for a reinforcement of Con-
tinental troops, " that no dependence is to be put on the
militia; whatever men your Excellency determines on send-
ing, no time is to be lost." The garrison of Fort Mifflin
was now reduced to 156 eflfectives, and that of Red Bank
did not much exceed 200.

In consequence of these representations Washington or-
dered Col. Christopher Greene, of Rhode Island, with his
regiment, to Red Bank, and Lieut.-Col. John Greene, of
Virginia, with about 200 men, to Fort Mifflin.

Immediately after the battle of Brandywine Admiral
Howe had sailed for the Delaware, where he expected to
arrive in time to meet and co-operate with the army in and
about Philadelphia. But' the winds were so unfavorable,
and the navigation of the Bay of Delaware so difficult,
that his van did not get into the river until the 4th of Oc-
tober. The ships of war and transports which followed
came up from the 6th to the 8th, and anchored from New
Castle to Reddy Island.

The frigates, in advance of the fleet, had not yet suc-
ceeded in their endeavors to effect a passage through the
lower double row of chevaux-de-frise. Though no longer

♦This was Lieut.-Col. Samuel Smith, of the Maryland line.
After serving in this perilous post at Fort Mifflin, he was made
general, and in that rank assisted in the defense of Baltimore in
the War of 1812. See Document [A] at the end of this chapter.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1079

protected by the fort at Billingsport, they were defended
by the water force above, and the work was found more
difficult than had been expected. It was not until the
middle of October that the impediments were so far re-
moved as to afford a narrow and intricate passage through
them. In the meantime the fire from the Pennsylvania
shore had not produced all the effect expected from it,
and it was perceived that greater exertions would be neces-
sary for the reduction of the works than could safely be
made in the present relative situation of the armies. Un-
der this impression, General Howe, soon after the return
of the American army to its former camp on the Skip-
pack, withdrew his troops from Germantown into Phila-
delphia, as preparatory to a combined attack by land and
water on Forts Mercer and Mifflin.

After effecting a passage through the works sunk in
the river at Billingsport, other difficulties still remained to
be encountered by the ships of war. Several rows of
chevaux'de-frise had been sunk about half a mile below
Mud Island, which were protected by the guns of the forts,
as well as by the movable water force. To silence these
works, therefore, was a necessary preliminary to the re-
moval of these obstructions in the channel.

On the 2ist of October (1777) a detachment of Hes-
sians, amounting to 1,200 men, commanded by Col.
Count Donop, crossed the Delaware at Philadelphia with
orders to storm Fort Mercer, at Red Bank. The fortifica-
tions consisted of extensive outer works, within which
was an intrenchment eight or nine feet high, boarded and
fraized. Late in the evening of the 22d Count Donop ap-
peared before the fort and attacked it with great in-
trepidity. It was defended with equal resolution by the
brave garrison of Rhode Island Continentals, under com-
mand of Col. Christopher Greene. The outer works being

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1080 WASHINGTON.

too extensive to be manned by the troops in the fort, were
used only to gall the assailants while advancing. On their
near approach the garrison retired within the inner in-
trenchment, whence they poured upon the Hessians a
heavy and destructive fire. Colonel Donop* received a
mortal wound, and Lieutenant-Colonel Mengerode, the
second in command, fell about the same time. Lieutenant-
Colonel Linsing, the oldest remaining officer, drew off his
troops and returned next day to Philadelphia. The loss
of the assailants was estimated by the Americans at 400
men. The garrison was reinforced from Fort Mifflin, and
aided by the galleys which flanked the Hessians in their
advance and retreat. The American loss, in killed and
wounded, amounted to only thirty-two men.

The ships having been ordered to co-operate with Count
Donop, the Augusta, with four smaller vessels, passed the
lower line of chevaux-de-frise, opposite to Billingsport, and
lay above it, waiting until the assault should be made on
the fort. The flood tide setting in about the time the at-
tack commenced they moved with it up the river. The
obstructions sunk in the Delaware had in some degree
changed its channel, in consequence of which the Augusta
and the Merlin grounded a considerable distance below
the second line of chevaux-de-frise, and a strong wind from
the north so checked the rising of the tide that these ves-

* Donop was a brave officer. He was found on the battlefield
by Captain Mauduit Duplessis, a talented French engineer, who
had assisted Greene in defense of the fort, and who attended the
unfortunate count on his death-bed till he expired, three days after
the battle, at the early age of thirty-seven. " I die," said he, in
his last hour, " a victim of my ambition, and of the avarice of my
sovereign." A fine commentary on the mercenary system of the
German princes. The government of Hesse Cassel quite recently
caused the remains of Count Donop to be removed from Red
Bank, to be interred with distinguished honor in his own country.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1081

sels could not be floated by the flood. Their situation,
however, was not discerned that evening, as tlie frigates
which were able to approach the fort, and the batteries
from the Pennsylvania shore, kept up an incessant fire on
the garrison, till night put an end to the cannonade. Early
next morning it was recommenced in the hope that, under
its cover, the Augusta and the Merlin might be got off.
The Americans, on discovering their situation, sent four
fire ships against them, but without effect. Meanwhile a
warm cannonade took place on both sides, in the course
of which the Augusta took fire, and it was found impracti-
cable to extinguish the flames. Most of the men were
taken out, the frigates withdrawn, and the Merlin set on
fire, after which the Augusta blew up, and a few of the
crew were lost in her.

This repulse inspired Congress with flattering hopes for
the permanent defense of the posts on the Delaware. That
body expressed its high sense of the merits of Colonel
Greene, of Rhode Island, who had commanded in Fort
Mercer; of Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, of Maryland, who
had commanded in Fort Mifflin; and of Commodore Hazle-
wood, who commanded the galleys; and presented a sword
to each of these officers, as a mark of the estimation in
which their services were held.

The situation of these forts was far from justifying this
confidence of their being defensible. That on Mud Island
had been unskilfully constructed and required at least 800
men fully to man the lines. The island is about half a
mile long. Fort Mifflin was placed at the lower end, hav-
ing its principal fortifications in front for the purpose of
repelling ships coming up the river. The defenses in the
rear consisted only of a ditch and palisade, protected by
two blockhouses, the upper story of one of which had
been destroyed in the late cannonade. Above the fort

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1082 WASHINGTON.

were two batteries opposing those constructed by the
British on Province and Carpenter's Islands, which were
separated from Mud Island only by a narrow passage be-
tween 400 and 500 yards wide.

The garrison of Fort MifHin consisted of only 300 Con-
tinental troops, who were worn down with fatigue and in-
cessant watching, under the constant apprehension of being
attacked from Province Island, from Philadelphia, and
from the ships below.

Having failed in every attempt to draw the militia of
New Jersey to the Delaware, Washington determined to
strengthen the garrison by further drafts from his army.
Three himdred Pennsylvania militia were detached to be
divided between the two forts, and a few days afterward
General Vamum was ordered, with his brigade, to take a
position above Woodbury, near Red Bank, and to relieve
and reinforce the garrisons of both forts as far as his
strength would permit. Washington hoped that the ap-
pearance of so respectable a Continental force might en-
courage the militia to assemble in greater numbers.

Aware of the advantage to result from a victory over the
British army while separated from the fleet, Washington
had been uniformly determined to risk much to gain one.
He had, therefore, after the battle of Germantown, con-
tinued to watch assiduously for an opportunity to attack
his enemy once more to advantage. The circumspect cau-
tion of General Howe afforded none. After the repulse
at Red Bank his measures were slow but certain, and were
calculated to insure the possession of the forts without
exposing his troops to the hazard of an assault.

In this state of things intelligence Was received of the
successful termination of the northern campaign, in con-
sequence of which great part of the troops who had been
employed against Burgoyne, might be drawn to the aid

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1083

of the army in Pennsylvania. But Washington had just
grounds to apprehend that before these reinforcements
could arrive Howe would gain possession of the forts and
remove the obstructions to the navigation of the Dela-
ware. This apprehension furnished a strong motive for
vigorous attempts to relieve Fort Mifflin. But the rela-
tive force of the armies, the difficulty of acting offensively
against Philadelphia, and, above all, the reflection that a
defeat might disable him from meeting his enemy in the
field even after the arrival of the troops expected from the
north, determined Washington not to hazard a second at-
tack under existing circumstances.

To expedite the reinforcements for which he waited,
Washington dispatched Colonel Hamilton to General
Gates, with directions to represent to him the condition
of the armies in Pennsylvania, and to urge him, if he con-
templated no other service of more importance, immedi-
ately to send the regiments of Massachusetts and New
Hampshire to aid the army of the middle department.
These orders were not peremptory, because it was possi-
ble that some other object (as the capture of New York)
still more interesting than the expulsion of General Howe
from Philadelphia might be contemplated by Gates; and
Washington meant not to interfere with the accomplish-
ment of such object.

On reaching General Putnam, Colonel Hamilton found
that a considerable part of the northern army had joined
that officer, but that Gates had detained four brigades at
Albany for an expedition intended to be made in the win-
ter against Ticonderoga.

Having made such arrangements with Putnam as he
supposed would secure the immediate march of a large
body of Continental troops from that station, Colonel
Hamilton proceeded to Albany for the purpose of remon-

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1084 WASHINGTON.

strating with General Gates against retaining so large and
valuable a part of the army unemployed at a time when the
most imminent danger threatened the vitals of the country.
Gates was by no means disposed to part with his troops.
He could not believe that an expedition then preparing at
New York was designed to reinforce General Howe ; and
insisted that, should the troops then embarked at that
place, instead of proceeding to the Delaware, make a sud-
den movement up the Hudson, it would be in their power,
should Albany be left defenseless, to destroy the valuable
arsenal which had been there erected, and the military
stores captured with Burgoyne, which had been chiefly
deposited in that town.

Having, after repeated remonstrances, obtained an order
directing three brigades to the Delaware, Hamilton has-
tened back to Putnam and found the troops which had
been ordered to join Washington, still at Peekskill. The
detachment from New York had suggested to Putnam Ae
possibility of taking that place; and he does not appear
to have made very great exertions to divest himself of a
force he deemed necessary for an object, the accomplish-
ment of which would give so much splendor to his mili-
tary character. In addition to this circumstance, an opin-
ion had gained ground among the soldiers that their share
of service for the campaign had been performed, and that
it was time for them to go into winter quarters. Great
discontents, too, prevailed concerning their pay, which
the government had permitted to be more than six months
in arrear; and in Poor's brigade a mutiny broke out in
the course of which a soldier who was run through the
body by his captain, shot the captain dead before he ex-
pired. Colonel Hamilton came in time to borrow money
from the Governor, George Qinton, of New York, to put
the troops in motion ; and they proceeded by brigades to

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1085

the Delaware. But these several delays retarded their
arrival until the contest for the forts on that river was
terminated.

The preparations of Sir William Howe being completed,
a large battery on Province Island of twenty-four and
thirty-two pounders and two howitzers of eight inches
each opened, early in the morning of the loth of Novem-
ber, upon Fort Mifflin, at the distance of 500 yards, and
kept up an incessant fire for several successive days. The
blockhouses were reduced to a heap of ruins; the palisades
were beaten down, and most of the guns dismounted and
otherwise disabled. The barracks were battered in every
part, so that the troops could not remain in them. They
were under the necessity of working and watching the
whole night to repair the damages of the day, and to guard
against a storm, of which they were in perpetual appre-
hension. If, in the days, a few moments were allowed for
repose, it was taken on the wet earth, which, in conse-
quence of heavy rains, had become a soft mud. The gar-
rison was relieved by General Vamum every forty-eight
hours, but his brigade was so weak that half the men were
constantly on duty.

Colonel Smith was decidedly of opinion, and General
Vamum concurred with him, tfiat the garrison could not
repel an assault, and ought to be withdrawn ; but Washing-
ton still cherished the hope that the place might be main-
tained until he should be reinforced from the northern
army. Believing that an assault would not be attempted
until the works were battered down, he recommended that
the whole night should be employed in making repairs.
His orders were that the place should be defended to the
last extremity ; and never were orders more faithfully exe-
cuted.

Several of the garrison were killed and among them

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1086 WASHINGTON.

Captain Treat, a gallant officer, who commanded the artil-
lery. Colonel Smith received a contusion on his hip and
arm which compelled him to give up the command and
retire to Red Bank. Major Fleury, a French officer of
distinguished merit, who served as engineer, reported to
Washington that, although the blockhouses were beaten
down, all the g^ns in them, except two, disabled, and sev-
eral breaches made in the walls, the place was still defensi-
ble; but the garrison was so unequal to the numbers
required by the extent of the lines, and was so dispirited by
watching, fatigue, and constant exposure to the cold rains,
which were almost incessant, that he dreaded the event of
an attempt to carry the place by storm. Fresh troops
were ordered to their relief from Varnum's brig^ade, and
the command was taken, first by Colonel Russell, and
afterward by Major Thayer. The artillery, commanded
by Captain Lee, continued to be well served. The be-
siegers were several times thrown into confusion, and a
floating battery, which opened on the morning of the 14th,
was silenced in the course of the day.

The defense being unexpectedly obstinate, the assailants
brought up their ships (November 15, 1777) as far as the
obstructions in the river permitted and added their fire
to that of the batteries, which was the more fatal as the
cover for the troops had been greatly impaired. The
brave garrison, however, still maintained their ground with
unshaken firmness. In the midst of this stubborn conflict,
the Vigilant and a sloopnof-war were brought up the inner
channel, between Mud and Province Islands, which had,
unobserved by the besieged, been deepened by the cur-
rent in consequence of the obstructions in the main chan-
nel, and, taking a station within 100 yards of the works,
not only kept up a destructive cannonade, but threw hand-
grenades into them, while the musketeers from the round-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1087

top of the Vigilant killed every man that appeared on the
platform.

Major Thayer appUed to the Commodore to remove
these vessels, and he ordered six galleys on the service,
but, after reconnoitering their situation, the galleys re-
turned without attempting anything. Their report was
that these ships were so covered by the batteries on Prov-
ince Island as to be unassailable.

It was now apparent to all that the fort could be no
longer defended. The works were in ruins. The position
of the Vigilant rendered any further continuance on the
island a prodigal and useless waste of human life ; and on
the i6th, about ii at night, the garrison was withdrawn.

A second attempt was made to drive the vessels from
their stations, with a determination, should it succeed, to
repossess the island, but the galleys effected nothing, and
a detachment from Province Island soon occupied the
ground which had been abandoned.

The day after, receiving intelligence of the evacuation
of Fort Mifflin, Washington deputed Generals De Kalb
and Knox to confer with General Vamum and the officers
at Fort Mercer on the practicability of continuing to de-
fend the obstructions in the channel, to report thereon,
and toi state the force which would be necessary for that
purpose. Their report was in favor of continuing the de-
fense. A council of the navy officers had already been
called by the Commodore in pursuance of a request ol the
Commander-in-Chief, made before the evacuation had
taken place, who were unanimously of opinion that it
would be impracticable for the fleet, after the loss of the
island, to maintain its station or to assist in preventing the
chevauX'de-frise from being weighed by the ships of the
enemy.

General Howe had now completed a line of defense from

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1088 WASHINGTON.

the SchuylkUI to the Delaware, and a reinforcement from
New York had arrived at Chester. These two circum-
stances enabled him to form an army in the Jerseys, suffi-
cient for the reduction of Fort Mercer, without weaken-
ing himself so much in Philadelphia as to put his lines in
hazard. Still, deeming it of the utmost importance to open
the navigation of the Delaware completely, he detached
Lord Comwallis, about i in the morning of the iTth
(1777), with a strong body of troops to Chester. From
that place his lordship crossed over to Billingsport, where
he was joined by the reinforcement from New York.

Washington received immediate intelligence of the
march of this detachment, which he communicated to Gen-
eral Varnum, with orders that Fort Mercer should be de-
fended to the last extremity. With a view to military
operations in that quarter he ordered one division of the
army to cross the river at Burlington, and dispatched ex-
presses to the northern troops who were marching on by
brigades, directing them to move down the Delaware on
its northern side until they should receive further orders.

General Greene was selected for this expedition. A
hope was entertained that he would be able not only to
protect Fort Mercer, but to obtain some decisive advan-
tage over Lord Comwallis, as the situation of the fort,
which his lordship could not invest without placing him-
self between Timber and Manto creeks, would expose the
assailants to great peril from a respectable force in their
rear. But, before Greene could cross the Delaware, Com-
wallis approached with an army rendered more powerful
than had been expected by the junction of the reinforce-
ment from New York, and Fort Mercer was evacuated.

A few of the smaller galleys escaped up the river, and
the others were burnt by their crews.

Washington still hoped to recover much of what had

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UFE AND TIMES. 1089

been lost A victory would restore the Jersey shore, and
this object was deemed so important that General Greene's
instructions indicated the expectation that he would be in
a condition to fight Comwallis.

Greene feared the reproach of avoiding an action less
than the just censure of sacrificing the real interests of his
country by engaging the enemy on disadvantageous terms.
The numbers of the British exceeded his, even counting
his militia as regulars, and he determined to wait for
Glover's brigade, which was marching from the north.
Before its arrival, Comwallis took post on Qoucester
point, a point of land making deep into the Delaware,
which was entirely under cover of the guns of the ships,
from which place he was embarking his baggage and the
provisions he had collected for Philadelphia.

Believing that Comwallis would immediately follow the
magazines he had collected, and that the purpose of Howe
was, with his united forces, to attack the American army
while divided. General Washington ordered Greene to re-
cross the Delaware and join the army.

Thus, after one continued struggle of more than six
weeks, in which the Continental troops displayed great
military virtues, the army in Philadelphia secured itself in
the possession of that city by opening a free communica-
tion with the fleet.

While Lord Comwallis was in Jersey, and General
Greene on the Delaware above him, the reinforcements
from the north being received, an attack on Philadelphia
was strongly pressed by several officers high in rank, and
was, in some measure, urged by that torrent of public
opinion, which, if not resisted by a very firm mind, over-
whelms the judgment, and by controlling measures not
well comprehended may frequently produce, especially in
military transactions, the most disastrous effects.
69

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1090 WASHINGTON.

The officers who advised this measure were Lord Stir-
ling, Generals Wayne, Scott, and Woodford. The consid-
erations urged upon Washington in its support were:
That the army was now in greater force than he could
expect it to be at any future time ; that being joined by the
troops who had conquered Burgoyne, his own reputation,
the reputation of his army, the opinion of Congress and
of the nation required some decisive blow on his part;
and that the rapid depreciation of the paper currency, by
which the resources for carrying on the war were dried
up, rendered indispensable some grand effort to bring it
to a speedy termination.

Washington reconnoitered the enemy's lines with great
care and took into serious consideration the plan of at-
tack proposed. The plan proposed was that General
Greene should embark 2,000 men at Dunks' ferry, and
descending the Delaware in the night land in the town just
before day, attack the enemy in the rear, and take pos-
session of the bridge over the Schuylkill; that a strong
corps should march down on the west side of that river,
occupy the heights enfilading the works of the enemy, and
open a brisk cannonade upon them, while a detachment
from it should march down to the bridge and attack in
front at the same instant that the party descending the
river should commence its assault on the rear.

Not only the Commander-in-Chief, but some of his best
officers — those who could not be impelled by the clamors
of the ill-informed to ruin the public interests — were op-
posed to this mad enterprise. The two armies, they said,
were now nearly equal in point of numbers, and the de-
tachment under Lord Comwallis could not be supposed
to have so weakened Sir William Howe as to compensate
for the advantages of his position. His right was covered
by the Delaware, his left by the Schuylkill, his rear by the

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1091

junction of those two rivers, as well as by the city of Phila-
delphia, and his front by a line of redoubts extending from
river to river and connected by an abattis and by circular
works. It would be indispensably necessary to carry all
these redoubts, since to leave a part of them to play on
the rear of the columns while engaged in front with the
enemy in Philadelphia would be extremely hazardous.

Supposing the redoubts carried and the British army
driven into the town, yet all military men were agreed on
the g^eat peril of storming a town. The streets would be
defended by an artillery greatly superior to that of the
Americans, which would attack in front, while the brick
houses would be lined with musketeers, whose fire must
thin the ranks of the assailants.

A part of the plan, on the successful execution of which
the whole depended, was that the British rear should be
surprised by the corps descending the Delaware. This
would require the concurrence of too many favorable cir-
cumstances to be calculated on with any confidence. As
the position of General Greene was known, it could not
be supposed that Sir William Howe would be inattentive
to him. It was probable that not even his embarkation
would be made unnoticed, but it was presuming a degree
of negligence which ought not to be assumed to suppose
that he could descend the river to Philadelphia undiscov-
ered. So soon as his movement should be observed, the
whole plan would be comprehended, since it would never
be conjectured that Greene was to attack singly.

If the attack in front should fail, which was not even
improbable, the total loss of the 2,000 men in the rear
must follow, and General Howe would maintain his
superiority through the winter.

The situation did not require these desperate measures.
The British general would be compelled to risk a battle

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1092 WASHINGTON.

on equal terms or to manifest a conscious inferiority to
the American army. The depreciation of paper money
was the inevitable consequence of immense emissions
without corresponding taxes. It was by removing the
cause, not by sacrificing the army, that this evil was to
be corrected.

Washington possessed too much discernment to be daz-
zled by the false brilliant presented by those who urged
the necessity of storming Philadelphia in order to throw
lustre round his own fame and that of his army, and too
much firmness of temper, too much virtue and real patriot-
ism to be diverted from a purpose believed to be right, by
the clamors of faction or the discontents of ignorance.
Disregarding the importunities of mistaken friends, the
malignant insinuations of enemies, and the expectations
of the ill-informed, he persevered in his resolution to make
no attempt on Philadelphia. He saved his army and was
able to keep the field in the face of his enemy, while the
clamor of the moment wasted in air and was forgotten.

About this time Washington learnt, by a letter from
General Greene, that his young friend Lafayette, although
hardly recovered from the woimd received at Brandy-
wine, had signalized his spirit and courage by an attack
on Cornwallis' picket g^ard at Gloucester point, below
Philadelphia. "The Marquis," writes Greene, "with
about 400 militia and tlie rifle corps, attacked the enemy's
picket last evening, killed about 20, wounded many more,
and took about 20 prisoners. The Marquis is charmed
with the spirited behavior of the militia and rifle corps;
they drove the enemy about half a mile and kept the
ground till dark. The enemy's picket consisted of about
300 and were reinforced during the skirmish. The Mar-
quis is determined to be in the way of danger."

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UFE AND TIMES, 1093

The following letter to Washington, cited by Sparks,
contains Lafayette's own account of this affair :

"After having spent the most part of the day in making
myself well acquainted with the certainty of the enemy's
motions, I came pretty late into the Gloucester road be-
tween the two creeks. I had lo light horse, almost 150
riflemen, and 2 pickets of militia. Colonel Armand, Col-
onel Laumoy, and the Chevaliers Duplessis and Gimat
were the Frenchmen with me. A scout of my men, under
Duplessis, went to ascertain how near to Gloucester were
the enemy's first pickets, and they found at the distance
of two miles and a half from that place a strong post of
350 Hessians, with field pieces, and they engaged imme-
diately. As my little reconnoitering party were all in fine
spirits I supported them. We pushed the Hessians more
than half a mile from the place where their main body had
been and we made them run very fast. British reinforce-
ments came twice to them, but, very far from recovering
their ground, they always retreated. The darkness of the
night prevented us from pursuing our advantage. After
standing on the ground we had gained, I ordered them
to return very slowly to Haddonfield."

The Marquis had only one man killed and six wounded.
" I take the greatest pleasure," he added, " in letting you
know that the conduct of our soldiers was above all praise.
I never saw men so merry, so spirited, and so desirous to
go on to the enemy, whatever force they might have, as
that same small party in this little fight."

Washington, in a letter to Congress dated November
26, 1777, mentions this affair with commendation, and sug-
gests, as he had repeatedly done before, Lafayette's ap-
pointment to one of the vacant divisions of the army, and
on the same day that this letter was received Congress
voted that such an appointment would be agreeable to

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1094 WASHINGTON.

them. Three days afterward Washington placed Lafayette
in command of the division of General Stephen, who had
been dismissed from the army for having been intoxicated,
to the great injury of the public service, on the eventful
day of the battle of Germantown. We shall see that this
appointment, by enabling Lafayette to act occasionally on
a separate command, afforded him the opportunity of ren-
dering essential service to the cause of independence.

On the 27th of November (1777), the Board of War
was increased from three to five members, viz.: General
Mifflin, formerly aide to Washington and recently quar-
termaster-general ; Joseph Trumbull, Richard Peters, Col.
Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, and General Gates.
Gates was appointed president of the board, with many
flattering expressions from Congress. His recent triumph
over Burgoyne had gained him many friends among the
members of Congress and a few among the officers of the
army. His head, naturally not over-strong, had been
turned by success, and he entered into the views of a cer-
tain clique which had recently been formed, whose object
was to disparage Washington and put forward rather high
pretensions in favor of the "hero of Saratog^a." This
clique, called from the name of its most active member.
General Conway, the "Conway Cabal,*' we shall notice
hereafter. At the time of this change in the constitution
of the Board of War it was in full activity, and its opera-
tions were well known to Washington. In fact, he had
already applied the match which ultimately exploded the
whole conspiracy and brought lasting disgrace on every
one of its members.

General Howe in the meantime was preparing to attack
Washington in his camp, and, as he confidently threatened,
to " drive him beyond the mountains."

On the 4th of December (1777), Captain M'Lane, a vigi-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1095

lant officer on the lines, discovered that an attempt to sur-
prise the American camp at White Marsh was about to
be made, and communicated the information to Washing-
ton. In the evening of the same day General Howe
marched out of Philadelphia with his whole force, and
about II at night, M'Lane, who had been detached with
lOO chosen men, attacked the British van at the Three
Mile Run on the Germantown road, and compelled their
front division to change its line of march. He hovered on
the front and flank of the advancing army, gfalHng them
severely until 3 next morning, when the British encamped
on Chestnut Hill in front of the American right, and dis-
tant from it about three miles. A slight skirmish had also
taken place between the Pennsylvania militia, under Gen-
eral Irvine, and the advanced light parties of the enemy,
in which the general was wounded and the militia without
much other loss were dispersed.

The range of hills on which the British were posted ap-
proached nearer to those occupied by the Americans as
they stretched northward.

Having passed the day in reconnoitering the right Howe
changed his ground in the course of the night, and moving
along the hills to his right took an advantageous position
about a mile in front of the American left. The next day
he inclined still further to his right, and in doing so ap-
proached still nearer to the left wing of the American
army. Supposing a general engagement to be approach-
ing Washington detached Gist, with some Maryland
militia, and Morgan, with his rifle corps, to attack the
flanking and advanced parties of the enemy. A sharp ac-
tion ensued in which Major Morris, of New Jersey, a brave
officer in Morgan's regiment was mortally wounded, and
twenty-seven of his men were killed and wounded. A
small loss was also sustained in the militia. The parties

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1096 WASHINGTON.

first attacked were driven in, but the enemy reinforcing
in numbers and Washington unwilling to move from the
heights and engage on the ground which was the scene
of the skirmish, declining to reinforce Gist and Morgan,
they, in turn, were compelled to retreat.

Howe continued to manoeuvre toward the flank and in
front of the left wing of the American army. Expecting
to be attacked in that quarter in full force Washington
made such changes in the disposition of his troops as the
occasion required, and the day was consumed in these
movements. In the course of it Washington rode through
every brig^ade of his army, delivering in person his orders
respecting the manner of receiving the enemy, exhorting
his troops to rely principally on the bayonet, and en-
couraging them by the steady firmness of his countenance,
as well as by his words, to a vigorous performance of their
duty. The dispositions of the evening indicated an inten-
tion to attack him the ensuing morning, but in the after-
noon of the 8th the British suddenly filed off from their
right, which extended beyond the American left, and re-
treated to Philadelphia. The parties detached to harass
their rear could not overtake it.*

The loss of the British in this expedition, as stated in
the official letter of General Howe, rather exceeded lOO
in killed, wounded, and missing, and was sustained prin-
cipally in the skirmish of the 7th (December, 1777) in
which Major Morris fell.

♦Judge Marshall, the biographer of Washingfton, on whose ac-
count of this affair ours is founded, was present on the occasion.
He served in the army from the beginning of the war; was ap-
pointed first lieutenant in 1776, and captain in 1777. He resigned
his commission in 1778, and, devoting himself to the practice of the
law, subsequently rose to the eminent office of Chief Justice of the
United States. He died at Philadelphia, July 6th, 1836, aged seventy-
nine.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1097

On no former occasion had the two armies met, uncov-
ered by works, with superior numbers on the side of the
Americans. The eflFective force of the British was then
stated at 12,000 men. Stedman, the historian, who then
belonged to Howe's army, states its number to have been
14,000. The American army consisted of precisely 12,161
Continental troops and 3,241 militia. This equality in
point of numbers rendered it a prudent precaution to
maintain a superiority of position. As the two armies oc-
cupied heights fronting each other neither could attack
without giving to its adversary some advantage in the
ground, and this was an advantage which neither seemed
willing to relinquish.

The return of Howe to Philadelphia without bringing
on an action after marching out with the avowed intention
of ^ghting is the best testimony of the respect which he
felt for the talents of his adversary and the courage of the
troops he was to encounter.

The cold was now becoming so intense that it was im-
possible for an army neither well-clothed nor sufficiently
supplied with blankets longer to keep the field in tents.
It had become necessary to place the troops in winter
quarters, but in the existing state of things the choice of
winter quarters was a subject for serious reflection. It
was impossible to place them in villages without uncover-
ing, the country or exposing them to the hazard of being
beaten in detachment.

To avoid these calamities it was determined to take a
strong position in the neighborhood of Philadelphia,
equally distant from the Delaware above and below that
city, and there to construct huts in the form of a regular en-
campment which might cover the army during the winter.
A strong piece of ground at Valley Forge, on the west
side of the Schuylkill between twenty and thirty miles from

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1098 WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia, was selected for that purpose, and some time
before day on the morning of the nth of December (1777)
the army marched to take possession of it. By an acci-
dental concurrence of circumstances Lord Comwallis had
been detached the same morning at the head of a strong
corps on a foraging party on the west side of the Schuyl-
kill. He had fallen in with a brigade of Pennsylvania
militia commanded by General Potter which he soon dis-
persed, and, pursuing the fugitives, had gained the heights
opposite Matron's ford, over which the Americans had
thrown a bridge for the purpose of crossing the river,
and had posted troops to ccwnmand the defile called the
Gulph just as the front division of the American army
reached the bank of the river. This movement had been
made without any knowledge of the intention of General
Washington to change his position or any design of con-
testing the passage of the Schuylkill, but the troops had
been posted in the manner already mentioned for the sole
purpose of covering the foraging party.

Washington apprehended from his first intelligence that
General Howe had taken the field in full force. He there-
fore recalled the troops already on the west side and moved
rather higher up the river for the purpose of understand-
ing the real situation, force, and designs of the enemy.
The next day Lord Comwallis returned to Philadelphia,
and in the course of the night the American army crossed
the river.

Here the Commander-in-Chief communicated to his
army in general orders the manner in which he intended
to dispose of them during the winter. He expressed in
strong terms his approbation of their conduct, presented
them with an encouraging state of the future prospects of
their country, exhorted them to bear with continuing forti-
tude the hardships inseparable from the position they were

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UFE AND TIMES. 1099

about to take, and endeavored to convince their judgments
that those hardships were not imposed on them by unfeel-
ing caprice, but were necessary for the good of their
country.

The winter had set in with great severity, and the suflFer-
ings of the army were extreme. In a few days, however,
these sufferings were considerably diminished by the erec-
tion of logged huts, filled up with mortar, which, after
being dried, formed comfortable habitations, and gave con-
tent to men long unused to the conveniences of life. The
order of a regular encampment was observed, and the only
appearance of winter quarters was the substitution of huts
for tents.

Stedman, who, as we have already remarked, was in
Howe's army, has not only given a vivid description of
the condition of Washington's army, which agrees in the
main with those of our own writers, but he has also ex-
hibited in contrast the condition and conduct of the British
army in Philadelphia. We transcribe this instructive
passage:

"The American general determined to remain during
the winter in the position which he then occupied at Valley
Forge, recommending to his troops to build huts in the
woods for sheltering themselves from the inclemency. of
the weather. And it is perhaps one of the most striking
traits in General Washington's character that he possessed
the faculty of gaining such an ascendancy over his raw
and undisciplined followers, most of whom were destitute
of proper winter clothing and otherwise unprovided with
necessaries, as to be able to prevail upon so many of them
to remain with him during the winter in so distressing a
situation. With immense labor he raised wooden huts,
covered with straw and earth, which formed very uncom-
fortable quarters. On the east and south an intrenchment

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1100 WASHINGTON,

was made — the ditch six feet wide and three in depth;
the mound not four feet high, very narrow, and such as
might easily have been beat down by cannon. Two re-
doubts were also begun but never completed. The Schuyl-
kill was on his left with a bridge across. His rear was
mostly covered by an impassable precipice formed by Val-
ley creek, having only a narrow passage near the Schuyl-
kill. On the right his camp was accessible with some diffi-
culty, but the approach on his front was on ground nearly
on a level with his camp. It is indeed difficult to g^ve an
adequate description of his misery in this situation. His
army was destitute of almost every necessary of clothing,
nay, almost naked, and very often on short allowance of
provisions; an extreme mortality raged in his hospitals,
nor had he any of the most proper medicines to relieve the
sick. There were perpetual desertions of parties from him
of ten to fifty at a time. In three months he had not 4,000
men and these could by no means be termed effective.
Not less than 500 horses perished from want and the
severity of the season. He had often not three days* pro-
visions in his camp and at times not enough for one day.
In this infirm and dangerous state he continued from De-
cember to May, during all which time every person ex-
pected that General Howe would have stormed or be-
sieged his camp, the situation of which equally invited
either attempt. To have posted 2,000 men on a command-
ing ground near the bridge, on the north side of the Schuyl-
kill, would have rendered his escape on the left impossible;
2,000 men placed on a like ground opposite the narrow
pass would have as effectually prevented a retreat by his
rear, and five or six thousand men stationed on the front
and right of his camp would have deprived him of flight
on those sides. The positions were such that if any of
the corps were attacked they could have been instantly

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1101

supported. Under such propitious circumstances what
mortal could doubt of success? But the British army,
neglecting all these opportunities, was suffered to continue
at Philadelphia where the whole winter was spent in dis-
sipation. A want of discipline and proper subordination
pervaded the whole army, and if disease and sickness
thinned the American army encamped at Valley Forge,
indolence and luxury perhaps did no less injury to the
British troops at Philadelphia. During the winter a very
unfortunate inattention was shown to the feelings of the
inhabitants of Philadelphia, whose satisfaction should have
been vigilantly consulted, both from gratitude and from
interest. They experienced many of the horrors of civil
war. The soldiers insulted and plundered them, and their
houses were occupied as barracks without any compensa-
tion being made to them. Some of the first families were
compelled to receive into their habitations individual of-
ficers who were even indecent enough to introduce their
mistresses into the mansions of their hospitable entertain-
ers. This soured the minds of the inhabitants, many of
whom were Quakers.

But the residence of the army at Philadelphia occasioned
distresses which will probably be considered by the gen-
erality of mankind as of a more grievous nature. It was
with difficulty that fuel could be got on any terms. Pro-
visions were most exorbitantly high. Gaming of every
species was permitted and even sanctioned. This vice not
only debauched the mind, but by sedentary confinement
and the want of seasonable repose enervated the body. A
foreign officer held the bank at the game of faro by which
he made a very considerable fortune, and but too many
respectable families in Britain had to lament its baleful
effects. Officers who might have rendered honorable ser-
vice to their coimtry were compelled, by what was termed

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llOa WASHINGTON.

a bad run of luck, to dispose of their commissions and re-
turn penniless to their friends in Europe. The father who
thought he had made a provision for his son by purchasing
him a commission in the army ultimately found that he
had put his son to school to learn the science of gambling,
not the art of war. Dissipation had spread through the
army, and indolence and want of subordination, its natu-
ral concomitants. For if the officer be not vigilant the
soldier will never be alert.

Sir William Howe, from the manners and religious opin-
ions of the Philadelphians, should have been particularly
cautious. For this public dissoluteness of the troops could
not but be regarded by such people as a contempt of them,
as well as an offense against piety; and it influenced all the
representations which they made to their countrymen
respecting the British. They inferred from it, also, that the
commander could not be sufficiently intent on the plans of
either concilation or subjugation; so that the opinions
of the Philadelphians, whether erroneous or not, materially
promoted the cause of Congress. During the whole of
this long winter of riot and dissipation. General Wash-
ington was suffered to continue with the remains of his
army, not exceeding 5,000 effective men at most, undis-
turbed at Valley Forge, considerable arrears of pay due
to them; almost in a state of nature for want of clothing;
the Europeans in the American service disgusted and de-
serting in great numbers, and indeed in companies, to the
British army, and the natives tired of the war. Yet, under
all these favorable circumstances for the British interest,
no one step was taken to dislodge Washington, whose can-
non were frozen up and could not be moved. If Sir Wil-
liam Howe had marched out in the night he might have
brought Washington to action, or if he had retreated, he
must have left his sick, cannon, ammunition, and heavy

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UFE AND TIMES. 1103

baggage behind A nocturnal attack on the Americans
would have had this further good effect: it would have de-
pressed the spirit of revolt, confirmed the wavering, and
attached them to the British interest It would have
opened a passage for supplies to the city, which was in
gjeat want of provisions for the inhabitants. It would
have shaken off that lethargy in which the British soldiers
had been immerged during the winter. It would have
convinced the well-affected that the British leader was
in earnest. If Washington had retreated the British could
have followed. With one of the best-appointed in every
respect and finest armies (consisting of at least 14,000
effective men) ever assembled in any country, a number of
officers of approved service, wishing only to be led to
action, this dilatory commander. Sir William Howe,
dragged out the winter without doing any one thing to
obtain the end for which he was commissioned. Proclama-
tion was issued after proclamation calling upon the people
of America to repair to the British standard, promising
them remission of their political sins and an assurance
of protection in both person and property, but these prom-
ises were confined merely to paper. The best personal
security to the inhabitants was an attack by the army, and
the best seciu-ity of property was peace, and this to be pur-
chased by successful war. For had Sir William Howe led
on his troops to action victory was in his power and con-
quest in his train. During Sir William Howe's stay at
Philadelphia a number of disaffected citizens were suffered
to remain in the garrison; these people were ever upon
the watch and communicated to Washington every intelli-
gence he could wish for."

We have copied this passage, from Stedman, with a view
to show the contrast between the situation of Washington
and Howe and their respective armies, as exhibited by an

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1104 WASHINGTON.

enemy to our cause. It is literally the contrast between
virtue and vice. The final result shows that Providence in
permitting the occupation of Philadelphia by the British
army was really promoting the cause of human liberty.

Stedman's statement of the numbers of Washington's
army is erroneous, even if it refers only to effective men,
and his schemes for annihilating Washington's army would
probably not have been so easily executed as he imagined.
Still the army was very weak. Marshall says that although
the total of the army exceeded 17,000 men (February,
1778), the present effective rank and file amounted to only
5,012. This statement alone suggests volumes of misery,
sickness, destitution, and suffering.

We must now call the reader's attention to the northern
campaign of 1777 which, remote as it was from Washing-
ton's immediate scene of action, was not conducted without
his aid and direction.

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CHAPTER XII.

BURQOYNB'S INVASION OP NBW YORK PUNISHED BY
SCHUYLBR AND QATB5.

1777,

WE have already had occasion to refer to what was
passing in the North during the time when
Washington was conducting the arduous cam-
paign in Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. General
Schuyler had held the chief command of the army operat-
ing against Canada since the opening of the war in 1775.
Under his direction the force of Montgomery was sent to
Quebec in the disastrous expedition of which we have al-
ready related the history, and Arnold was acting in a
subordinate capacity to Schuyler when he so bravely re-
sisted the descent of Carleton on the lakes. Schuyler also
performed the best part of the service of resisting the in-
vasion of N«w York from Canada, and nearly completed
the campaign which terminated in the surrender of Bur-
goyne to Gates. To the events of this campaign we now
call the reader's attention.

At the commencement of the campaign of 1777 the
American army on the frontier of Canada having been
composed chiefly of soldiers enlisted for a short period
only, had been greatly reduced in numbers by the expira-
tion of their term. of service.

The cantonments of the British northern army, extend-
ing from Isle aux Noix and Montreal to Quebec, were so
70

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1106 WASHINGTON.

distant from each other that they could not readily have
afforded mutual support in case of an attack, but the
Americans were in no condition to avail themselves of this
circumstance. They could scarcely keep up even the ap-
pearance of garrisons in their forts and were apprehensive
of an attack on Ticonderoga as soon as the ice was strong
enough to afford an easy passage to troops over the lakes.
At the close of the preceding campaign General Gates
had joined the army imder Washington, and the command
of the army in the northern department, comprehending
Albany, Ticonderoga, Fort Stanwix, and their dependen-
cies, remained in the hands of General Schuyler. The
services of that meritorious officer were more solid than
brilliant, and had not been duly valued by Congress, which,
like other popular assemblies, was slow in discerning real
and unostentatious merit. Disgusted at the injustice which
he had experienced he was restrained from leaving the
army merely by the deep interest which he took in the
arduous struggle in which his country was engaged, but
after a full investigation of his conduct during the whole
of his command, Congress was at length convinced of the
value of his services and requested him to continue at the
head of the army of the northern department That army
he found too weak for the services which it was expected
to perform and ill-supplied with arms, clothes, and pro-
visions. He made every exertion to organize and place
it on a respectable footing for the ensuing campaign, but
his means were scanty and the new levies arrived slowly.
General St. Qair, who had served under Gates, com-
manded at Ticonderoga, and, including militia, had nearly
2,000 men under him, but the works were extensive and
would have required 10,000 men to man them fully.*

♦The weakness of St. Clair's garrison was partly owing to its
having contributed detachments to the support of Washington's
army in New Jersey.

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1107

The British ministry had resolved to prosecute the war
vigorously on the northern frontier of the United States,
and appointed Burgoyne, who had served under Carleton
in the preceding campaign, to command the royal army in
that quarter. The appointment gave offense to Carleton,
then Governor of Canada, who naturally expected to be
continued in the command of the northern army, and that
officer testified his dissatisfaction by tendering the resig-
nation of his government. But although displeased with
the nomination, he gave Burgoyne every assistance in his
power in preparing for the campaign.

Burgoyne had visited England during the winter, con-
certed with the ministry a plan of the campaign and given
an estimate of the force necessary for its successful execu-
tion. Besides a fine train of artillery and a suitable body
of artillerymen, an army, consisting of more than 7,000
veteran troops, excellently equipped and in a high state of
discipline, was put under his command. Besides this regu-
lar force he had a great number of Canadians and savages.

The employment of the savages had been determined
on at the very commencement of hostilities, their alliance
had been courted and their services accepted, and on the
present occasion the British ministry placed no small de-
pendence on their aid. Carleton was directed to use all
his influence to bring a large body of them into the field,
and his exertions were very successful. General Burgoyne
was assisted by a number of distinguished officers, among
whom were Generals Philips, Fraser, Powel, Hamilton,
Riedesel, and Specht. A suitable naval armament, under
the orders of Commodore Lutwych, attended the expedi-
tion.

After detaching Colonel St. Leger with a body of light
troops and Indians, amounting to about 800 men, by the
way of Lake Oswego and the Mohawk river, to make a

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1108 WASHINGTON.

diversion in that quarter and to join him when he advanced
to the Hudson, Burgoyne left St. John's on the i6th of
June, and, preceded by his naval armament, sailed up Lake
Champlain and in a few days landed and encamped at
Crown Point earlier in the season than the Americans had
thought it possible for him to reach that place.

He met his Indian allies and, in imitation of a savage
partisan, gave them a war feast, at which he made them a
speech in order to inflame their courage and repress their
barbarous cruelty. He next issued a lofty proclamation
addressed to the inhabitants of the country in which, as if
certain of victory, he threatened to punish with the utmost
severity those who refused to attach themselves to the
royal cause. He talked of the ferocity of the Indians and
their eagerness to butcher the friends of independence, and
he graciously promised protection to those who should re-
turn to their duty. The proclamation was so far from an-
swering the general's intention that it was derided by the
people as a model of pomposity.

Having made the necessary arrangements on the 30th
of June, Burgoyne advanced cautiously on both sides of
the narrow channel which connects Lakes Champlain and
George, the British on the west and the German mer-
cenaries on the east, with the naval force in the center,
forming a communication between the two divisions of the
army, and on the ist of July his van appeared in sight of
Ticonderoga.

The river Sorel issues from the north end of Lake
Champlain and throws its superfluous waters into the St.
Lawrence. Lake Champlain is about eighty miles long
from north to south, and about fourteen miles broad where
it is widest. Crown Point stands at what may properly be
considered the south end of the lake, although a narrow
channel, which retains the name of the lake, proceeds

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UFE AND TIMES. noa

southward and forms a communication with Soufh river
and the waters of Lake George.

Ticonderoga is on the west side of the narrow channel,
twelve miles south from Crown Point. It is a rocky angle
of land, washed on three sides by the water and partly
covered on the fourth side by a deep morass. On the
space on the northwest quarter, between the morass and
the channel, the French had formerly constructed lines of
fortification, which still remained, and those lines the
Americans had strengthened by additional works.

Opposite Ticonderoga on the east side of the channel,
which is here between three and four hundred yards wide,
stands a high circular hill called Mount Independence,
which had been occupied by the Americans when they
abandoned Crown Point, and carefully fortified. On the
top of it, which is flat, they had erected a fort and provided
it sufficiently with artillery. Near the foot of the mountain,
which extends to the water's edge, they had raised in-
trenchments and mounted them with heavy guns, and had
covered those lower works by a battery about half way up
the hill.

With prodigious labor they had constructed a communi-
cation between those two posts by means of a wooden
bridge which was supported by twenty-two strong wooden
pillars placed at nearly equal distances from each other.
The spaces between the pillars w^ere filled up by separate
floats, strongly fastened to each other and to the pillars
by chains and rivets. The bridge was twelve feet wide
and the side of it next Lake Champlain was defended by
a boom formed of large pieces of timber, bolted and bound
together by double iron chains an inch and a half thick.
Thus an easy communication was established between
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence and the passage of
vessels up the strait prevented.

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1110 WASHINGTON.

Immediately after passing Ticonderoga the channel be-
comes wider and, on the southeast side, receives a large
body of water from a stream at that point called South
river, but higher up named Wood creek. From the south-
west come the waters flowing from Lake George, and in
the angle formed by the confluence of those two streams
rises a steep and rugged eminence called Sugar Hill, which
overlooks and commands both Ticonderoga and Mount
Independence. That hill had been examined by the Amer-
icans, but General St. Qair, considering the force under
his command insufficient to occupy the extensive Works
of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence and flattering
himself that the extreme difficulty of the ascent would pre-
vent the British from availing themselves of it, neglected
to take possession of Sugar Hill. It may be remarked
that the north end of Lake George is between two and
three miles above Ticonderoga, but the channel leading to
it is interrupted by rapids and shallows and is unfit for
navigation. Lake George is narrow, but is thirty-five
miles long, extending from northeast to southwest. At
the head of it stood a fort of the same name, strong
enough to resist an attack of Indians, but incapable of
making any effectual opposition to regular troops. Nine
miles beyond it was Fort Edward on the Hudson.

On the appearance of Burgoyne's van St. Qair had no
accurate knowledge of the strength of the British army,
having heard nothing of the reinforcement from Europe.
He imagined that they would attempt to take the fort by
assault and flattered himself that he would easily be able
to repulse them. But, on the 2d of July, the British ap-
peared in great force on both sides of the channel and en-
camped four miles from the forts, while the fleet anchored
just beyond the reach of the guns. After a slight resist-

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LIFE AND TIMES. mi

ance Burgoyne took possession of Mount Hope, an
important post on the south of Ticonderoga, which com-
manded part of the lines of that fort as well as the channel
leading to Lake George, and extended his lines so as
completely to invest the fort on the west side. The Ger-
man division under General Riedesel occupied the eastern
bank of the channel and sent forward a detachment to the
vicinity of the rivulet which flows from Mount Independ-
ence. Burgoyne now labored assiduously in bringing for-
ward his artillery and completing his communications. On
the 5th of the month Quly, 1777) he caused Sugar Hill
to be examined, and being informed that the ascent, though
difficult, was not impracticable, he immediately resolved
to take possession of it and proceeded with such activity
in raising works and mounting guns upon it that his bat-
tery might have been opened on the garrison next day.

These operations received no check from the besieged,
because, as it has been alleged, they were not in a condi-
tion to give any. St. Qair was now nearly surrounded.
Only the space between the stream which flows from
Mount Independence and South river remained open, and
that was to be occupied next day.

In these circumstances it was requisite for the garrison
to come to a prompt and decisive resolution, either at
every hazard to defend the place to the last extremity or
immediately to abandon it. St. Qair called a council of
war, the members of which unanimously advised the im-
mediate evacuation of the forts, and preparations were in-
stantly made for carrying this resolution into execution.
The British had the command of the communication with
Lake George, and consequently the garrison could not
escape in that direction. The retreat could be effected by
the South river only. Accordingly the invalids, the hos-
pital, and such stores as could be most easily removed,

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1112 . WASHINGTON.

were put on board 200 boats and, escorted by Colonel
Long's regiment, proceeded, on the night between the 5th
and 6th of July, up the South riyer towards Skeenes-
borough. The garrisons of Ticonderoga and Mount In-
dependence marched by land through Castleton, towards
the same place. The troops were ordered to march out
in profound silence and particularly to set nothing on fire.
But these prudent orders were disobeyed, and, before the
rear guard was in motion, the house on Mount Independ-
ence, which General Fermoy had occupied, was seen in
flames. That served as a signal to the enemy, who im-
mediately entered the works and fired, but without effect,
on the rear of the retreating army.

The Americans marched in some confusion to Hubbard-
ton whence the main body, under St. Qair, pushed for-
ward to Castleton. But the English were not idle. General
Fraser, at the head of a strong detachment of grenadiers
and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit by land
upon the right bank of Wood creek. General Riedesel,
behind him, rapidly advanced with his Brunswickers, either
to support the English or to act separately as occasion
might require. Burgoyne determined to pursue the Ajmer-
icans by water. But it was first necessary to destroy the
boom and bridge which had been constructed in front of
Ticonderoga. The British seamen and artificers imme-
diately engaged in the operation, and in less time than
it would have taken to describe their structure, those
works which had cost so much labor and so vast an ex-
pense, were cut through and demolished. The passage
thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne immediately entered
Wood creek and proceeded with extreme rapidity in
search of the Americans. All was in movement at once
upon land and water. By three in the afternoon the van
of the British squadron, composed of gunboats, came up

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UFE AND TIMES. 1113

with and attacked the American galleys near Skeenes-
borough Falls. In the meantime three regiments which
had been landed at South bay, ascended and passed a
mountain with great expedition, in order to turn the re-
treating army above Wood creek, to destroy the works at
the Falls of Skeenesborough, and thus to cut off the re-
treat of the army to Fort Anne. But the Americans eluded
this stroke by the rapidity of their march. The British
frigates having joined the van, the galleys, already hard
pressed by the gfunboats, were completely overpowered.
Two of them surrendered ; three of them were blown up.
The Americans having set fire to their boats, mills, and
other works, fell back upon Fort Anne, higher up Wood
creek. All their baggage, however, was lost and a large
quantity of provisions and military stores fell into the
hands of the British.

The pursuit by land was not less active. Early on the
morning of the 7th of July (1777) the British overtook the
American rear guard who, in opposition to St. Qair's or-
ders, had lingered behind and posted themselves on strong
ground in the vicinity of Hubbardton. Fraser's troops
were little more than half the number opposed to him, but
aware that Riedesel was close behind and fearful lest his
chase should give him the slip, he ordered an immediate
attack. Warner opposed a vigorous resistance, but a
large body of his militia retreated and left him to sustain
the combat alone, when the firing of Riedesel's advanced
guard was heard and shortly after his whole force, drums
beating and colors flying, emerged from the shades of the
forest and part of his troops immediately effected a junc-
tion with the British line. Fraser now gaAre orders for a
simultaneous advance with the bayonet which was effected
with such resistless impetuosity that the Americans broke
and fled, sustaining a very serious loss. St. Qair, upon

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1114 WASHINGTON.

hearing the firing, endeavored to send back some assist-
ance, but the discouraged militia refused to return and
there was no alternative but to collect the wrecks of his
army and proceed to Fort Edward to effect a junction with
Schuyler.

Burgoyne lost not a moment in following up his success
at Skeenesborough, but dispatched a regiment to effect
the capture of Fort Anne, defended by a small party under
the command of Colonel Long. This officer judiciously
posted his troops in a narrow ravine through which his
assailants were compelled to pass and opened upon them
so severe a fire in front, flank, and rear, that the British
regiments, nearly surrounded, with difficulty escaped to a
neighboring hill, where the Americans attacked them
anew with such vigor that they must have been utterly de-
feated had not the ammunition of the assailants given out
at this critical moment. No longer being able to fight
Long's troops fell back, and, setting the fort on fire, also
directed their retreat to the headquarters at Fort Edward.

While at Skeenesborough, General Burgoyne issued a
second proclamation summoning the people of the ad-
jacent country to send ten deputies from each township
to meet Colonel Skeene at Castleton in order to deliberate
on such measures as might still be adopted to save those
who had not yet conformed to his first and submitted to
the royal authority. General Schuyler, apprehending some
effect from this paper, issued a counter-proclamation, stat-
ing the insidious designs of the enemy — warning the in-
habitants by the example of Jersey of the danger to which
their yielding to this seductive proposition would expose
them and giving them the most solemn assurances that all
who should send deputies to this meeting or in any man-
ner aid the enemy, would be considered as traitors and
should suffer the utmost rigor of the law.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1115

Nothing, as Botta remarks,* could exceed the conster-
nation and terror which the victory of Ticonderoga and
the subsequent successes of Burgoyne spread through the
American provinces nor the joy and exultation they ex-
cited in England. The arrival of these glad tidings was
celebrated by the most brilliant rejoicings at court and
welcomed with the same enthusiasm by all those who de-
sired the unconditional reduction of America. They al-
ready announced the approaching termination of this
glorious war; they openly declared it a thing impossible
that the rebels should ever recover from the shock of their
recent losses, as well of men as of arms and of military
stores, and especially that they should ever regain their
courage and reputation, which, in war, always contribute
to success as much, at least, as arms themselves. Even
the ancient reproaches of cowardice were renewed against
the Americans and their own partisans abated much of the
esteem they had borne them. They were more than half
disposed to pronounce the Colonists unworthy to defend
that liberty which they gloried in with so much compla-
cency. But it deserves to be noted here especially that
there was no sign of faltering on the part of the people, no
disposition to submit to the invading force. The success
of the enemy did but nerve our fathers to more vigorous
resolves to maintain the cause of liberty even unto death.

Certainly the campaign had been opened and prosecuted
thus far in a very dashing style by Burgoyne and had he
been able to press forward it is quite possible that success
might have crowned his efforts. But there were some
sixteen miles of forest yet to be traversed; Burgoyne
waited for his baggage and stores, and meanwhile Gen-
eral Schuyler, who was in command of the American

* " History of the War of Independence," vol. II, p. 280.

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1116 WASHINGTON.

forces, took such steps as would necessarily put a stop to
the rapid approach of the enemy. Trenches were opened,
the roads and paths were obstructed, the bridges were
broken up, and in the only practicable defiles large trees
were cut in such a manner on both sides of the road as to
fall across and lengthwise, which, with their branches in-
terwoven, presented an insurmountable barrier; in a word,
this wilderness, of itself by no means easy of passage, was
thus rendered almost absolutely impenetrable. Nor did
Schuyler rest satisfied with these precautions ; he directed
the cattle to be removed to the most distant places and
the stores and baggage from Fort George to Fort Ed-
ward, that articles of such necessity for the troops might
not fall into the power of the British. He urgently de-
manded that all the regiments of regular troops found in
the adjacent States should be sent without delay to join
him; he also made earnest and frequent calls upon the
militia of New England and of New York. He likewise
exerted his utmost endeavors to procure himself recruits
in the vicinity of Fort Edward and the city of Albany ; the
great influence he enjoyed with the inhabitants gave him
in this quarter all the success he could desire. Finally, to
retard the progress of the enemy, he resolved to threaten
his left flank. Accordingly, he detached Colonel Warner,
with his regiment, into the State of Vermont with orders
to assemble the militia of the country and to make incur-
sions toward Ticonderoga. in fact Schuyler did every-
thing which was possible to be done under the circum-
stances, and it is not too much to assert in justice to the
good name of General Schuyler, that the measures which
he adopted paved the way to the victory which finally
crowned the American arms at Saratoga.

Washington, equally with Congress, supposing that
Schuyler's force was stronger and that of the British weaker

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UFE AND TIMES, 1117

than was really the case, was very greatly distressed
and astonished at the disasters which befell the American
cause in the north. He waited, therefore, with no little
anxiety, later and more correct information before he was
willing to pronounce positively upon the course pursued
by St. Clair. When that officer joined Schuyler the whole
force did not exceed 4400 men ; about half of these were
militia, and the whole were ill-clothed, badly armed, and
greatly dispirited by the recent reverses. Very ungen-
erously and unjustly it was proposed to remove the north-
ern officers from the command and send successors in their
places. An inquiry was instituted by order of Congress,
which resulted honorably for Schuyler and his officers,
and Schuyler, the able commander and zealous-hearted
patriot, remained for the present at the head of the north-
em department.*

Washington exerted himself with all diligence to send
reinforcements and supplies to the army of Schuyler. The

* Washington, writing to General Schuyler, clearly presaged the
great and auspicious change in affairs which was soon to take
place: "Though our affairs have for some days past worn a
gloomy aspect, yet I look forward to a happy change. I trust
General Burgoyne*s army will meet sooner or later an effectual
check, and, as I suggested before, that the success he has had will
precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, he appears to be pur-
suing that line of conduct which, of all others, is most favorable to
us — I mean acting in detachment. This conduct will certainly
give room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to
great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off,
though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it
would inspirit the people, and do away much of their present
anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight of past misfor-
tunes, and urged on at the same time by a regard for their own
security, they would fly to arms, and afford every aid in their
power."

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1118 WASHINGTON.

artillery and warlike stores were expedited from Massa-
chusetts. General Lincoln, a man of great influence in
New England, was sent there to encourage the militia to
enlist Arnold, in like manner, repaired thither; it was
thought his ardor might serve to inspire the dejected
troops. Colonel Morgan, an officer whose brilliant valor
we have already had occasion to remark, was ordered to
take the same direction with his troop of light horse. All
these measures, conceived with prudence und executed
with promptitude, produced the natural effect. The Amer-
icans recovered by degrees their former spirit and the
army increased from day to day.

During this interval Burgo)me actively exerted himself
in opening a passage from Fort Anne to Fort Eldward.
But, notwithstanding the diligence with which the whole
army engaged in the work, their progress was exceedingly
slow, so formidable were the obstacles which nature as
well as art had thrown in their way. Besides having to
remove the fallen trees with which the Americans had
obstructed the roads they had no less than forty bridges
to construct and many others to repair ; one of these was
entirely of log work, over a morass two miles wide. In
short the British encountered so many impediments in
measuring this inconsiderable space that it was found im-
possible to reach the banks of the Hudson near Fort Ed-
ward until the 30th of July (1777). The Americans, either
because they were too feeble to oppose the enemy or that
Fort Edward was no better than a ruin, not susceptible of
defense, or finally because they were apprehensive that
Colonel St. Leger, after the reduction of Fort Stanwix,
might descend by the left bank of the Mohawk to the Hud-
son and thus cut off their retreat, retired lower down to
Stillwater where they threw up intrenchments. At the
same time they evacuated Fort George, having previously

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LIFE AND TIMES, ^ 1119

burned their boats upon the lake, and in various ways
obstnicted the road to Fort Exlward. Burgoyne might
have reached Fort Edward much more readily by way of
Lake George, but he had judged it best to pursue the
panic-stricken Americans, and, despite the difficulties of
the route, not to throw any discouragements in the way of
his troops by a retrograde movement.

At Fort Edward General Burgoyne again found it nec-
essary to pause in his career, for his carriages, which in
the hurry had been made of unseasoned wood, were much
broken down and needed to be repaired. From the un-
avoidable difficulties of the case not more than one-third
of the draught horses contracted for in Canada had ar-
rived, and General Schuyler had been careful to remove
almost all the horses and draught cattle of the cotmtry
out of his way. Boats for the navigation of the Hudson,
provisions, stores, artillery, and other necessaries for the
army were all to be brought from Fort George, and al-
though that place was only nine or ten miles from Fort
Edward, yet such was the condition of the roads, rendered
nearly impassable by the great quantities of rain that had
fallen, that the labor of transporting necessaries was in-
credible. Burgo)me had collected about lOO oxen, but it
was often necessary to employ ten or twelve of them in
transporting a single boat. With his utmost exertions he
had on the isth of August conveyed only twelve boats
into the Hudson and provisions for the army for four
days in advance. Matters began to assume a very serious
aspect indeed, and as the further he removed from the
lakes the more difficult it became to get supplies from that
quarter, Burgoyne saw clearly that he must look else-
where for sustenance for his army.

The British commander was not ignorant that the
Americans had accumulated considerable stores, including

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1120 WASHINGTON,

live cattle and vehicles of various kinds at Bennington,
about twenty-four miles east of the Hudson. Burgoyne,
easily persuaded that the Tories in that region would aid
his efforts, and thinking that he could alarm the country
as well as secure the supplies of which he began to stand
in great need, determined to detach Colonel Baum with a
force of some six or eight hundred of Riedesel's dragoons
for the attack upon Bennington, His instructions to Baum
were " to try the affections of the country, to disconcert the
counsels of the enemy, to mount Riedesel's dragoons, to
complete Peters' corps (of Loyalists), and to obtain large
supplies of cattle, horses, and carriages." Baum set off on
the 13th of August on this expedition which was to result
so unfortunately to himself, and which proved in fact the
ruin of Burgoyne's entire plans and purposes.

We have spoken of the consternation which filled the
minds of men a short time before this, when Burgoyne
seemed to be marching in triumph through the countr^^
The alarm, however, subsided, and the New England States
resolved to make most vigorous efforts to repel the attack
of the enemy. John Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth
and speaker of the New Hampshire Assembly, roused the
desponding minds of his fellow-members to the need of
providing defense for the frontiers, and with whole-hearted
patriotism thus addressed them: "I have $3,000 in hard
money; I will pledge my plate for $3,000 more. I have
seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum which shall be sold for
the most it will bring. These are at the service of the
State. If we succeed in defending our firesides and homes
I may be remunerated, if we do not the property will be of
no value to me. Our old friend Stark, who so nobly sus-
tained the honor of our State at Bunker Hill may be safely
intrusted with the conduct of the enterprise, and we will
check the progress of Burgoyne," That brave son of New

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UFE AND TIMES. 1121

Hampshire, General Stark, conceiving himself aggrieved
by certain acts of Congress in appointing junior officers
over his head, had resigned his commission. He was now
prevailed upon to take service under authority from his
native State, it being understood that he was to act inde-
pendently as to his movements against the enemy. His
popularity speedily called in the militia, who were ready
to take the field under him without hesitation.

Soon after Stark proceeded to Manchester, twenty miles
north of Bennington, where Colonel Seth Warner, the
former associate of Ethan Allen, had taken post with the
troops under his command. Here he met General Lincoln,
who had been sent by Schuyler to lead the militia to the
west bank of the Hudson. Stark refused to obey Schuy-
ler's orders, and Congress, on the 19th of August (1777),
passed a vote of censure upon his conduct But Stark
did not know of this, and as his course was clearly that of
sound policy, and his victory two days before the censure
cast upon him showed it to be so, he had the proud satis-
faction of knowing that the Commander-in-Chief approved
of his plan of harassing the rear of the British, and that
the victory of Bennington paralyzed the entire operations
of Burgoyne.

On the day that Baum set out Stark arrived at Benning-
ton. The progress of the German troops, at first tolerably
prosperous, was soon impeded by the state of the roads
and the weather, and as soon as Stark heard of their ap-
proach he hurried off expresses to Warner to join him,
who began his march in the night. After Sending forward
Colonel Gregg to reconnoitre the enemy he advanced to
the rencontre with Baum, who, finding the country thus
rising around him, halted and intrenched himself in a
strong position above the Wollamsac river and sent off
71

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1122 WASHINGTON.

an express to Burgoyne, who instantly dispatched Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Breyman with a strong reinforcement

During the isth of August (1777) the rain prevented any
serious movement. The Germans and English continued
to labor at their intrenchments upon which they had
mounted two pieces of artillery. The following day was
bright and sunny and early in the morning Stark sent
forward two columns to storm the intrenchments at dif-
ferent points, and when the firing had commenced threw
himself on horseback and advanced with the rest of his
troops. As soon as the enem/s columns were seen form-
ing on the hill-side, he exclaimed, " See, men! there are the
red coats; we must beat to-day, or Molly Stark's a widow."
The military replied to this appeal by a tremendous shout
and the battle which ensued, as Stark states in his official
report, " lasted two hours, and was the hottest I ever saw.
It was like one continual clap of thunder." The Indians
ran off at the beginning of the battle; the Tories were
driven across the river; and although the Germans fought
bravely they were compelled to abandon the intrench-
ments, and fled, leaving their artillery and baggage on the
field.

As Bre)rman and his corps approached they heard the
firing and hurried forward to the aid of their countrymen.
An hour or two earlier they might have given a different
turn to the affair, but the heavy rain had delayed their
progress. They met and rallied the fugitives and returned
to the field of battle. Stark's troops, who were engaged in
plunder, were taken in great measure by surprise, and the
victory might after all have been wrested from their grasp
but for the opportune arrival of Warner's regiment at the
critical moment The battle continued until sunset when
the Germans, overwhelmed by numbers, at length aban-
doned their baggage and fled, ColcMiel Baum, their brave

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UFE AND TIMES, 1123

commander, was killed, and the British loss amounted to
some eight or nine hundred effective troops, in killed and
prisoners. The loss of the Americans was 30 killed and 40
wounded. Stark's horse was killed in the action.

Too much praise, as Mr. Everett well remarks,* cannot
be bestowed on the conduct of those who gained the battle
of Bennington, officers and men. It is, perhaps, the most
conspicuous example of the performance by militia of all
that is expected of regular, veteran troops. The fortitude
and resolution with which the lines at Bunker Hill were
maintained by recent recruits against the assault of a pow-
erful army of experienced soldiers have always been re-
garded with admiration. But at Bennington the hardy
yeomen of New Hampshire, Vermont, and Massachusetts,
many of them fresh from the plough and unused to the
camp, " advanced," as General Stark expresses it in his of-
ficial letter, " through fire and smoke, and mounted breast-
works that were well fortified and defended with cannon."

Fortunately for the success of the battle Stark was most
ably seconded by the officers under him; every previous
disposition of his little force was most faithfully executed.
He expresses his particular obligations to Colonels War-
ner and Herrick, " whose superior skill was of great ser-
vice to him." Indeed the battle was planned and fought
with a degree of military talent and science which would
have done no discredit to any service in Europe. A higher
degree of discipline might have enabled the general to
check the eagerness of his men to possess themselves of
the spoils of victory, but his ability, even in that moment
of dispersion and under the flush of success, to meet and
conquer a hostile reinforcement, evinces a judgment and
resource not often equalled in partisan warfare.

♦ " Life of John Stark," p. 58.

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1124 WASHINGTON.

In fact it would be the height of injustice not to recog-
nize in this battle the marks of the master mind of the
leader, which makes good officers and good soldiers out
of any materials and infuses its own spirit into all that
surround it. This brilliant exploit was the work of Stark
from its inception to its achievement. His popular name
called the militia together. His resolute will obtained him
a separate commission — at the expense, it is true, of a
wise political principle, but on the present occasion with
the happiest effect. His firmness prevented him from being
overruled by the influence of General Lincoln, which
would have led him with his troops across the Hudson.
How few are the men who in such a crisis would not merely
not have sought but actually have repudiated a junction
with the main army! How few who would not only have
desired, but actually insisted on taking the responsibility
of separate action! Having chosen the burden of acting
alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge of his duty
with the spirit and vigor of a man conscious of ability
proportioned to the crisis. He advanced against the
enemy with promptitude; sent forward a small force to
reconnoitre and measure his strength; chose his ground
deliberately and with skill; planned and fought the battle
with gallantry and success.

The consequences of this victory were of gpreat moment
It roused the people and nerved them to the contest with
the enemy, and it also justified the sagacity of Washing-
ton, whose words we have quoted on a previous page.
Burgoyne's plans were wholly deranged and instead of
rel)ring upon lateral excursions to keep the population in
alarm and obtain supplies, he was compelled to procure
necessaries as best he might. His rear was exposed, and
Stark, acting on his line of policy, prepared to place him-
self so that Burgoyne might be hemmed in and be, as soon

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UFE AND TIMES. 1125

after he was, unable to advance or retreat When Wash-
ington heard of Stark's victory he was in Bucks county,
Pennsylvania, whence he wrote to Putnam: "As there
is now not the least danger of General Howe's going to
New England I hope the whole force of that country win
turn out and by following the great stroke struck by Gen-
eral Stark, near Bennington, entirely crush General Bur-
goyne, who, by his letter to Colonel Baum, seems to be
in want of almost everything."

The defeat at Bennington was not the only misfortune
which now fell upon the British arms. We have noted on a
previous page that Burgoyne had detached Colonel St.
Leger with a body of regular troops, Canadians, Loyalists,
and Indians, by the way of Oswego, to make a diversion
on the upper part of the Mohawk river and afterward join
him on his way to Albany. On the 2d of August (1777)
St. Leger approached Fort Stanwix, or Schuyler, a log
fortification situated on rising ground near the source of
the Mohawk river, and garrisoned by about 600 Continen-
tals under the command of Colonel Gansevoort. Next
day he invested the place with an army of sixteen or
seventeen hundred men, nearly one-half of whom were
Indians, and the rest British, Germans, Canadians, and
Tories. On being summoned to surrender Gansevoort an-
swered that he would defend the place to the last.

On the approach of St. Leger to Fort Schuyler, General
Herkimer, who commanded the militia of Tryon county,
assembled about 700 of them and marched to the assist-
ance of the garrison. On the forenoon of the 6th of August
a messenger from Herkimer found means to enter the fort
and gave notice that he was only eight miles distant and
intended that day to force a passage into the fort and join
the garrison. Gansevoort resolved to aid the attempt by

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1126 WASHINGTON.

a vigorous sally, and appointed Colonel Willet with up-
wards of 200 men to that service.

St. Leger received information of the approach of Her-
kimer, and placed a large body consisting of the " Johnson
Greens," and Brant's Indians in ambush near Oriskany,
on the road by which he was to advance. Herkimer fell
into the snare. The first notice which he received of the
presence of an enemy was from a heavy discharge of mus-
ketry on his troops, which was instantly followed by the
war-whoop of the Indians who attacked the militia with
their tomahawks. Though disconcerted by the sudden-
ness of the attack many of the militia behaved with spirit,
and a scene of unutterable confusion and carnage ensued.
The royal troops and the militia became so closely
crowded together that they had not room to use firearms,
but pushed and pulled each other, and using their daggers,
fell pierced by mutual wounds. Some of the militia fled at
the first onset; others made their escape afterwards; about
100 of them retreated to a rising ground where they
bravely defended themselves till a successful sortie from
the fort compelled the British to look to the defense of
their own camp. Colonel Willet in this sally killed a num-
ber of the enemy, destroyed their provisions, carried off
some spoil, and returned to the fort without the loss of a
man. Besides the loss of the brave General Herkimer,
who was slain, the number of the killed was computed at
400. St. Leger, imitating the grandiloquent style of Bur-
go)me, again summoned the fort to surrender, but Colonel
Gansevoort peremptorily refused.

Colonel Willet, accompanied by Lieutenant Stockwell,
having passed through the British camp, eluded the pa-
trols and the savages and made his way for fifty miles
through pathless woods and dangerous morasses and in-
formed General Schuyler of the position of th^ fort and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1127

the need of help in the emergency. He determined to
afford it to the extent of his power, and Arnold, who was
always ready for such expeditions, agreed to take command
of the troops for the purpose of relieving the fort. Arnold
put in practice an acute stratagem, which materially facili-
tated his success. It was this. Among the Tory prisoners
was one Yost Cuyler, who had been condemned to death,
but whom Arnold agreed to spare on consideration of his
implicitly carrying out his plan. Accordingly, Cuyler,
having made several holes in his coat to imitate bullet
shots, rushed breathless among the Indian allies of St
Leger and informed them that he had just escaped in a
battle with the Americans who were advancing on them
with the utmost celerity. While pointing to his coat for
proof of his statement, a sachem, also in the plot, came in
and confirmed the inteUigence. Other scouts arrived
speedily with a report which probably grew out of the
affair at Bennington, that Burgoyne's army was entirely
routed. All this made a deep impression upon the fickle-
minded redmen.

Fort Schuyler was better constructed and defended with
more courage than St. Leger had expected, and his Ught
artillery made little impression on it His Indians, who
liked better to take scalps and plunder than to besiege
fortresses became very unmanageable. The loss which
they had sustained in the encounters with Herkimer and
Willet deeply affected them; they had expected to be wit-
nesses of the triumphs of the British and to share with them
the plunder. Hard service and little reward caused bitter
disappointment, and when they knew that a strong de-
tachment of Americans was marching against them, they
resolved to take safety in flight. St. Leger employed
every argument and artifice to detain them, but in vain;
part of them went off and all the rest threatened to follow

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1128 WASHINGTON.

if the siege were persevered in. Therefore, on the 226.
of August (1777), St. Leger raised the siege, and re-
treated with circumstances indicating great alarm; the
tents were left standing, the artillery was abandoned,
and a great part of the baggage, ammunition, and pro-
visions fell into the hands of the garrison, a detachment
from which harassed the retreating enemy. But the Brit-
ish troops were exposed to greater danger from the fury of
their savage allies than from the pursuit of the Americans.
During the retreat they robbed the officers of their bag-
gage, and the army generally of their provisions and
stores. Not content with this they first stripped off their
arms, and afterwards murdered with their own bayonets
all those who from inability to keep up, from fear or other
cause were separated from the main body. The confusion,
terror, and sufferings of this retreat found no respite till
the royal troops reached the lake on their way to Mon-
treal.

Arnold arrived at Fort Schuyler two days after the re-
treat of the besiegers, but finding no occasion for his ser-
vices he soon returned to camp. The successful defense
of Fort Stanwix, or Schuyler, powerfully co-operated with
the defeat of the royal troops at Bennington in raising
the spirits and invigorating the activity of the Americans.
The Loyalists became timid; the wavering began to doubt
the success of the royal arms, and the great body of the
people became convinced that nothing but steady exer-
tion on their part was necessary to ruin that army which
a short time before had appeared to be sweeping every
obstacle from its path on the high road to victory.

The decisive victory at Bennington and the retreat of
St. Leger from Fort Schuyler, however important in them-
selves, were still more so in their consequences. An army
which had spread terror and dismay in every direction —

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UFE AND TIMES. 1129

which had previously experienced no reverse of fortune
was considered as akeady beaten, and the opinion became
common that the appearance of the great body of the
people in arms would secure the emancipation of their
country. It was, too, an advantage of no inconsiderable
importance resulting from this change of public opinion
that the disaffected became timid, and the wavering who,
had the torrent of success continued, would have made a
merit of contributing their aid to the victor were no longer
disposed to put themselves and their fortunes in hazard to
support an army whose fate was so uncertain.

The barbarities which had been perpetrated by the In-
dians belonging to the invading armies excited still more
resentment than terror. As the prospect of revenge began
to open their effect became the more apparent, and their
influence on the royal cause was the more sensibly felt
because they had been indiscriminate.

The murder of Miss M'Crea passed through all the
papers on the continent, and the story being retouched
by the hand of more than one master, excited a peculiar
degree of sensibility.* But there were other causes of
still greater influence in producing the events which after-
ward took place. The last reinforcements of Continental
troops arrived in camp about this time and added both

* Mr. Jones, an officer of the British army, had gained the affec-
tions of Miss M'Crea, a lovely young lady of amiable character
and spotless reputation, daughter of a gentleman attached to the
royal cause, residing near Fort Edward, and they had agreed to
be married. In the course of service, the officer was removed to
some distance from his bride, and became anxious for her safety
and desirous of her company. He engraged some Indians, of two
different tribes, to bring her to camp, and promised a keg of rum
to the person who should deliver her safe to him. She dressed to
meet her bridegroom, and accompanied her Indian conductors;
but by the way, the two chiefs, each being desirous of receiving

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1130 WASHINGTON.

courage and strength to the army. The harvest, which
had detained the northern militia upon their farms, was
over, and General Schuyler, whose continued and eminent
services had not exempted him from the imputation of
being a traitor, was succeeded by General Gates, who pos-
sessed a large share of the public confidence.

When Schuyler was directed by Congress to resume the
command of the northern department. Gates withdrew
himself from it When the resolution passed recalling the
general officers who had served in that department. Gen-
eral Washington was requested to name a successor to
Schuyler. On his expressing a wish to decline this nomi-
nation and representing the inconvenience of removing all
the general officers. Gates was ag^n directed to repair
thither and take the command, and their resolution to re-
call the brigadiers was suspended until the Commander-
in-Chief should be of opinion that it might be carried into
effect with safety.

Schuyler retained the command until th^ arrival of
Gates, which was on the loth of August (1777), and con-
tinued his exertions to restore the affairs of the depart-
ment, though he felt acutely the disgrace of being recalled
in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. '* It
is," said he, in a letter to the Ccwnmander-in-Chief, " mat-

the promised reward, disputed which of them should deliver her
to her lover. The dispute rose to a quarrel, and, according to
their usual method of disposing of a disputed prisoner, one of
them instantly cleft the head of the lady with his tomahawk.

This is the common version of the story found in the histories.
Mr. Lossing, in his Field Book of the Revolution, relying on the
traditions in the neighborhood of the scene, comes to the con-
clusion that the lady was accidentally killed by a party of Ameri-
cans in pursuit of the Indians who had carried her off. Irving
says she was killed by one of the Indians.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1131

ter of extreme chagrin to me to be deprived of the com-
mand at a time when, soon if ever, we shall probably be
enabled to face the enemy; when we are on the pcnnt of
taking ground where they must attack to a disadvantage,
should our force be inadequate to facing them in the field;
when an opportunity will in all probability occur in which
I might evince that I am not what Congress have too
plainly insinuated by taking the command from me."

If error be attributable to the evacuation of Ticon-
deroga, no portion of it was committed by Schuyler. His
removal from the command was probably severe and un-
just as respected himself, but perhaps wise as respected
America. The frontier towards the lakes was to be de-
fended by the troops of New England, and however un-
founded their prejudices against him might be, it was
prudent to consult them.

Notwithstanding the difficulties which multiplied around
him Burgoyne remained steady to his purpose. The dis-
asters at Bennington and on the Mohawk produced no dis-
position to abandon the enterprise and save his army.

It had now become necessary for Burgoyne to recur to
the slow and toilsome mode of obtaining supplies from
Fort George. Having, with persevering labor, collected
provision for thirty days in advance he crossed the Hud-
son on the 13th and 14th of September (1777) and en-
camped on the heights and plains of Saratoga, with a
determination to decide the fate of the expedition in a
general engagement.

Gates, having been joined by all the Continental troops
destined for the northern department and reinforced by
large bodies of militia, had moved from his camp in the
islands, and advanced to the neighborhood of Stillwater.

The bridges between the two armies having been broken
down by General Schuyler, the roads being excessively bad

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1132 WASHINGTON.

and the country covered with wood, the progress of the
British army down the river was slow. On the night of the
17th of September, Burgoyne encamped within four miles
of the American army and the next day was employed in
repairing the bridges between the two camps. In the
morning of the 19th he advanced in full force toward the
American left. Morgan was immediately detached with
his rifle corps to observe the enemy and to harass his front
and flanks. He fell in with a picket in front of the right
wing which he attacked with vivacity and drove in upon
the main body. Pursuing with too much ardor he was met
in considerable force, and after a severe encoimter was
compelled in turn to retire in some disorder. Two regi-
ments led by Arnold being advanced to his assistance his
corps was rallied, and the action became more general.
The Americans were formed in a wood, with an open field
in front, and invariably repulsed the British corps which
attacked them, but when they pursued those corps to the
main body they were in turn driven back to their first
ground. Reinforcements were continually brought up, and
about 4 in the afternoon upward of 3,000 American
troops were closely engaged with the whole right wing
of the British army commanded by General Burgoyne in
person. The conflict was extremely severe and only ter-
minated with the day. At dark the Americans retired to
their camp, and the British, who had found great difficulty
in maintaining their ground, lay all night on their arms
near the field of battle.

In this action the killed and wounded on the part of the
Americans were between three and four hundred. Among
the former were Colonels Colbum and Adams and several
other valuable officers. The British loss has been esti-
mated at rather more than 500 men.

Each army claimed the victory and each believed itself

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UFE AND TIMES, 1133

to have beaten near the whole of the hostile army with
only a part of its own force. The advantage, however,
taking all circumstances into consideration, was decidedly
with the Americans. In a conflict which nearly consumed
the day, they found themselves at least equal to their
antagonists. In every quarter they had acted on the offen-
sive, and after an encounter for several hours had not lost
an inch of ground. They had not been driven from the
field, but had retired from it at the close of day to the camp
from which they had marched to battle. Their object,
which was to check the advancing enemy, had been ob-
tained, while that of the British general had failed. In the
actual state of things to fight without being beaten was on
their part victory, while on the part of the British to fight
without a decisive victory was defeat. The Indians who
found themselves beaten in the woods by Morgan,* and
restrained from scalping and plundering the unarmed by
Burgo)ntie, saw before them the prospect of hard fight-
ing without profit, grew tired of the service and deserted
in great numbers. The Canadians and Provincials were
not much more faithful, and Burgoyne soon perceived that
his hopes must rest almost entirely on his European troops.
With reason, therefore, this action was celebrated
throughout the United States as a victory and considered

* Colonel Morgan, with his regiment of riflemen, had been re-
cently sent by Washington to join the northern army. Gates,
writing to Washington, May 22d, 1777, says: "I cannot suffi-
ciently thank your Excellency for sending Colonel Morg^an's corps
to this army; they will be of the greatest service to it; for, until
the late success this way, I am told the army were quite panic-
struck by the Indians, and their Tory and Canadian assassins in
Indian dress. Horrible, indeed, have been the cruelties they have
wantonly committed upon the miserable inhabitants, insomuch that
all is now fair with General Burgoyne, even if the bloody hatchet
he has so barbarously used should find its way into his own head."

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1134 WASHINGTON.

as the precursor of the total ruin of the invading army.
The utmost exultation was displayed and the militia were
stimulated to fly to arms and complete the work so hap-
pily begun.

General Lincoln, in conformity with directions which
have been stated, had assembled a considerable body of
New England militia in the rear of Burgoyne, from which
he drew three parties of about 500 men each. One of
these was detached under the command of Colonel Brown
to the north end of Lake George, principally to relieve a
number of prisoners who were confined there, but with
orders to push his success, should he be fortunate, as far
as prudence would admit. Colonel Johnson, at the head
of another party, marched towards Mount Independence,
and Colonel Woodbury with a third was detached to
Skeenesborough to cover the retreat of both the others.
With the residue, Lincoln proceeded to the camp of Gates.

Colonel Brown, after marching all night, arrived at the
break of day on the north end of the lake where he found
a small post which he carried without opposition. The
surprise was complete, and he took possession of Mount
Defiance, Mount Hope, the landing place, and about 200
batteaux. With the loss of only three killed and five
wounded, he liberated 100 American prisoners and cap-
tured 293 of the enemy. This success was joyfully pro-
claimed through the northern States. It was believed con-
fidently that Ticonderoga and Mount Independence were
recovered, and the militia were exhorted, by joining their
brethren in the army, to insure that event if it had not
already happened.

The attempt on those places, however, failed. The gar-
rison repulsed the assailants, who, after a few days aban-
doned the siege. On their return through Lake George
in the vessels they had captured the militia made an at-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1135

tack on Diamond Island, the depot of all the stores col-
lected at the north end of the lake. Being again repulsed
they destroyed the vessels they had taken and returned to
their former station.

The day after the battle of Stillwater General Burgoyne
took a position almost within cannon-shot of the American
camp, fortified his right, and extended his left to the river.
Directly after taking this ground he received a letter from
Sir Henry Qinton informing him that he should attack
Fort Montgomery about the 20th of September (1777).
The messenger returned with information that Burgoyne
was in extreme difficulty and would endeavor to wait for
aid until the 12th of October.*

Both armies retained their position until the 7th of
October (1777). Burgoyne in the hope of being relieved
by Sir Henry Clinton, and Gates in the confidence of
growing stronger every day.

Having received no further intelligence from Sir Henry
and being reduced to the necessity of diminishing the
ration issued to his soldiers, Burgoyne determined to make
one more trial of strength with his adversary. In execu-
tion of this determination he drew out on his right 1,500
choice troops whom he commanded in person assisted by
Generals Philips, Riedesel, and Fraser.

The right wing was formed within three-quarters of a
mile of the left of the Amercian camp, and a corps of
rangers, Indians, and Provincials was pushed on through
secret paths to show themselves in its rear and excite
alarm in that quarter.

These movements were perceived by General Gates, who
determined to attack their left and at the same time to
fall on their right flank. Poor's brigade and some regi-

* Letter of Burgoyne,

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1136 WASHINGTON.

ments from New Hampshire were ordered to meet them
in front, while Morgan with his rifle corps made a circuit
miperceived and seized a very advantageous height covered
with wood on their right. As soon as it was supposed
that Morgan had gained the ground he intended to oc-
cupy the attack was made in front and on the left in great
force. At this critical moment Morgan poured in a deadly
and incessant fire on the front and right flank.

While the British right wing was thus closely pressed
in front and on its flank, a distinct division of the Ameri-
can troops was ordered to intercept its retreat to camp,
and to separate it from the residue of the army. Biu"-
goyne perceived the danger of his situation and ordered
the light infantry under General Fraser with part of the
Twenty-fourth regiment to form a second line in order
to cover the light infantry of the right and secure a re-
treat. While this movement was in progress the left of
the British right was forced from its ground and the light
infantry was ordered to its aid. In the attempt to execute
this order they were attacked by the rifle corps with great
eflfect, and Fraser was mortally wounded. Overpowered
by numbers and pressed on all sides by a superior weight
of fire, Burgoyne with great difficulty and with the loss of
his field pieces and great part of his artillery corps re-
gained his camp. The Americans followed close in his
rear, and assaulted his works throughout their whole ex-
tent Toward the close of day the intrenchments were
forced on their right, and General Arnold with a few men
actually entered their works, but his horse being killed
under him and himself wounded, the troops were forced
out of them, and it being nearly dark they desisted from
the assault. The left of Arnold's division was still more
successful. Jackson's regiment of Massachusetts, then led
by Lieutenant-Colonel Brocrfcs, turned the right of the en-

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UFE AND TIMES. ItSt

campment and stormed the works occupied by the Ger-
man reserve, Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman who com-
manded in them was killed and the works were carried.
The orders given by Burg03me to recover them were not
executed, and Brooks maintained the ground he had
gained.

Darkness put an end to the action and the Americans
lay all night with their arms in their hands about half a
mile from the British lines ready to renew the assault with
the return of day. The advantage they had gained was
decisive. They had taken several pieces of artillery, killed
a great number of men, made upwards of 200 prisoners,
among whom were several officers of distinction, and had
penetrated the lines in a part which exposed the whole to
considerable danger.

Unwilling to risk the events of the next day on the same
ground, Burgoyne changed his position in the course of
the night and drew his whole army into a strong camp
on the river heights, extending his right up the river. This
movement extricated him from the danger of being at-
tacked the ensuing morning by an enemy already in pos-
session of part of his works. The 8th of October (1777)
was spent in skirmishing and cannonading. About sunset
the body of General Fraser, who had been mortally
wounded on the preceding day was, agreeably to his own
desire, carried up the hill to be interred in the great re-
doubt attended only by the officers who had lived in his
family. Generals Burgoyne, Philips, and Riedesel, in tes-
timony of respect and affection for their late brave com-
panion in arms joined the mournful procession which nec-
essarily passed in view of both armies. The incessant
cannonade, the steady attitude and unfaltering voice of the
chaplain, and the firm demeanor of the company, though
occasionally covered with the earth thrown up by the shot
72

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1138 WASHINGTON.

from the hostile batteries ploughing the ground around
them, the mute expression of feeUng pictured on every
countenance, and the increasing gloom of the evening, all
contributed to give an affecting solemnity to the obse-
quies. General Gates afterwards declared that if he had
been apprised of what was going on he would at least have
silenced his batteries and allowed the last offices of human*
ity to be performed without disturbance, or even have
ordered minute-gtms to be fired in honor of the deceased
general

Gates perceived the strength of Burgoyne's new position
and was not disposed to hazard an assault Aware of the
critical situation of his adversary he detached a party
higher up the Hudson for the purpose of intercepting the
British army on its retreat, while strong corps were posted
on the other side of the river to guard its passage.

This movement compelled Burgoyne again to change his
position and to retire to Saratoga. About 9 at night the
retreat was commenced and was effected with the loss of
his hospital, containing about 300 sick, and of several bat-
teaux laden with provisions and baggage. On reaching the
ground to be occupied he found a strong corps already in-
trenched on the opposite side of the river prepared to dis-
pute its passage.

From Saratoga, Burgoyne detached a company of ar-
tificers under a strong escort to repair the roads and
bridges toward Fort Edward. Scarcely had this detach-
ment moved when the Americans appeared in force on the
heights south of Saratoga creek and made dispositions
which excited the apprehension of a design to cross it and
attack his camp. The Europeans escorting the artificers
were recalled, and a Provincial corps employed in the same
service, being attacked by a small party, ran away and left
the workmen to shift for themselves. No hope of repair-

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UFE AND TIMES, 1139

ing the roads remaining it became impossible to move the
baggage and artillery.

The British army was now almost completely environed
by a superior force. No means remained of extricating
itself from difficulties and dangers which were continually
increasing, but fording a river, on the opposite bank of
which a formidable body of troops was already posted, and
then escaping to Fort George through roads impassable
by artillery or wagons, while its rear was closely pressed
by a victorious enemy.*

A council of general officers, called to deliberate on

* Gordon, in his history of the war, states himself to have re-
ceived from General Glover an anecdote, showing that all these
advantages were on the point of being exposed to imminent
hazard: "On the morning of the nth. Gates called the gen-
eral officers together, and informed them of his having received
certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main
body of Burgoyne's army was marched off for Fort Edward with
what they could take; and that the rear guard only was left in the
camp, who, after a while, were to push off as fast as possible, leav-
ing the heavy baggage behind. On this it was concluded to ad-
vance and attack the camp in half an hour. The officers repaired
immediately to their respective commands. General Nixon's, be-
ing the eldest brig^ade, crossed the Saratoga creek first. Unknown
to the Americans, Burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of
brushwood, to support the park of artillery where the attack was
to be made. General Glover was upon the point of following
Nixon. Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier
making across, whom he called and examined. This soldier was
a deserter, and communicated the very important fact that the
whole British army were in their encampment. Nixon was im-
mediately stopped, and the intelligence conveyed to Gates, who
countermanded his orders for the assault, and called back his
troops, not without sustaining some loss from the British artillery."

Gordon is confirmed by General Wilkinson, who was adjutant-
general in the American army. The narrative of the General
varies from that of Gordon only in minor circumstances.

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1140 WASHINGTON.

their situation, took the bold resolution to abandon every-
thing but their arms and such provisions as the soldiers
could carry, and by a forced march in the night up the river,
to extricate themselves from the American army, and
crossing at Fort Edward, or at a ford above it, to press on
to Fort George.

Gates had foreseen this movement and had prepared for
it In addition to placing strong guards at the fords of
the Hudson he had formed an intrenched camp on the
high grounds between Fort Edward and Fort George.
The scouts sent to examine the route returned with this
information and the plan was abandoned as impracticable.

Nothing could be more hopeless than the condition of
the British army, or more desperate than that of their
General, as described by himself. In his letter to Lord
George Germain, Secretary of State for American affairs,
he says: "A series of hard toil, incessant effort, stub-
bom action, until disabled in the collateral branches of the
army by the total defection of the Indians; the desertion
or timidity of the Canadians and provincials, some indi-
viduals excepted; disappointed in the last hope of any co-
operation from other armies; the regular troops reduced
by losses from the best parts to 3,500 fighting men, not
2,000 of which were British; only three days' provisions
upon short allowance in store; invested by an army of
16,000 men, and no appearance of retreat remaining —
I called into council all the generals, field officers, and
captains commanding corps, and by their unanimous con-
currence and advice I was induced to open a treaty with
Major-General Gates."

A treaty was opened with a general proposition stating
the willingness of the British general to spare the further
effusion of blood, provided a negotiation could be effected
on honorable terms.

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UFE AND TIMES, 1141

This proposition was answered by a demand that the
whole army should ground their arms in their encamp-
ment and surrender themselves prisoners of war. This
demand was instantly rejected with a declaration that if
General Gates designed to insist on it the negotiation must
immediately break off and hostilities recommence. On
receiving this decided answer Gates receded from the
rigorous terms at first proposed, and a convention was
signed (October 17, 1777), in which it was agreed that the
British army, after marching out of their encampment with
all the honors of war, should lay down their arms and not
serve against the United States till exchanged. They
were not to be detained in captivity, but to be permitted to
embark for England.

The situation of the armies considered,* these terms
were hig^hly honorable to the British general and favor-
able to his nation. They were probably more advan-
tageous than would have been granted by Gates had he
entertained no apprehension from Sir Henry Qinton, who
was at length making the promised diversion on the North
river, up which he had penetrated as far as ^sopus.

The drafts made from Peekskill for both armies had left
that post in a situation to require the aid of militia for its
security. The requisitions of General Putnam were com-
plied with, but the attack upon them being delayed, the
militia, who were anxious to attend to their farms, became
impatient ; many deserted, and Putnam was induced to dis-
charge the residue.

Governor Qinton immediately ordered out half the
militia of New York with assurances that they should be

* The American army consisted of 9,093 Continental troops. The
number of the militia fluctuated, but amounted, at the signature of
the convention, to 4,129. The sick exceeded 2,500 men.

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1142 WASHINGTON.

relieved in one month by the other half. This order was
executed so slowly that the forts were carried before the
militia were in the field.

Great pains had been taken and much labor employed
to render the position of the American army for guarding
the passage up the Hudson secure. The principal de-
fenses were Forts Montgomery and Qinton. They had
been constructed on the western bank of the Hudson, on
very high ground extremely difficult of access and were
separated from each other by a small creek which runs
from the mountains into the river. These forts were too
much elevated to be battered from the water, and the hills
on which they stood were too steep to be ascended by
troops landing at the foot of them. The mountains, which
commence five or six miles below them, are so high and
nigged, the defiles, through which the roads leading to
them pass, so narrow and so commanded by the heights
on both sides, that the approaches to them are extremely
difficult and dangerous.

To prevent ships from passing the forts, chevaux-de-frise
had been sunk in the river and a boom extended from bank
to bank, which was covered with immense chains stretched
at some distance in its front. These works were defended
by the guns of the forts and by a frigate and galleys sta-
tioned above them, capable of opposing with an equal fire
in front any force which might attack them by water from
below.

Fort Independence is four or five miles below Forts
Montgomery and Qinton and on the opposite side of the
river on a high point of land, and Fort Constitution is
rather more than six miles above them on an island* near
the eastern shore. Peekskill, the general headquarters of
the officer commanding at the station, is just below Fort
Independence and on the same side of the river. The gar-

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UFE AND TIMES. II43

risons had been reduced to about 600 men and the whole
force under Putnam did not much exceed 2,000. Yet this
force, though far inferior to that which Washington had
ordered to be retained at the station, was, if properly ap-
plied, more than competent to the defense of the forts
against any numbers which could be spared from New
York. To insure success to the enterprise it was neces-
sary to draw the attention of Putnam from the real object
and to storm the works before the garrisons could be
aided by his army. This Sir Henry Qinton accomplished.

Between three and four thousand men embarked at New
York and landed on the 5th of October (1777) at Ver-
planck's Point on the east side of the Hudson, a short dis-
tance below Peekskill, upon which Putnam retired to the
heights in his rear. On the evening of the same day a
part of these troops re-embarked and the fleet moved up
the river to Peekskill Neck in order to mask King's Ferry,
which was below them. The next morning at break of
day the troops destined for the enterprise landed on the
west side of Stony Point and commenced their march
through the mountains into the rear of Forts Qinton and
Montgomery. This disembarkation was observed, but the
morning was so foggy that the numbers could not be dis-
tinguished, and a large fire, which was afterward perceived
at the landing place, suggested the idea that the sole ob-
ject of the party on shore was the burning of some store-
houses. In the meantime the manoeuvres of the vessels
and the appearance of a small detachment left at Ver-
planck's Point persuaded Putnam that the meditated at-
tack was on Fort Independence.

His whole attention was directed to this object, and the
real designs of the enemy were not suspected until a
heavy firing from the other side of the river announced the
assault on Forts Qinton and Montgomery. Five hvndrc^

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1144 WASHINGTON.

men were instantly detached to reinforce the garrisons of
those places, but, before this detachment could cross the
river, the forts were in possession of the British.

Having left a battalion at the pass of Thunderhill to keep
up a communication, Sir Henry Qinton had formed his
army into two divisions — one of which, consisting of 900
men, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, made
a circuit by the forest of Deane, in order to fall on the
back of Fort Montgomery, while the other, consisting of
1,200 men, commanded by General Vaughan and accom-
panied by Sir Henry Qinton in person, advanced slowly
against Fort Qinton.

Both posts were assaulted about five in the afternoon.
The works were defended with resolution and were main-
tained until dark, when, the lines being too extensive to
be completely manned, the assailants entered them in dif-
ferent places. The defense being no longer possible some
of the garrison were made prisoners, while their better
knowledge of the country enabled others to escape. Gov-
ernor Qinton passed the river in a boat and Gen. James
Qinton, though wounded in the thigh by a bayonet, also
made his escape. Lieutenant-Colonels Livingston and
Bruyn and Majors Hamilton and Logan were among the
prisoners. The loss sustained by the garrisons was about
250 men ; that of the assailants was stated by Sir Henry
Qinton at less than 200. Among the killed were Lieu-
tenan-Colonel Campbell and two other field officers.

As the boom and chains drawn across the river could
no longer be defended the Continental frigates and gal-
leys lying above them were burnt to prevent their falling
into the hands of the enemy. Fort Independence and
Fort Constitution were evacuated the next day and Put-
nam retreated to Fishkill. General Vaughan, after burn-
ing Continental village, where stores to a considerable

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UFE AND TIMES. 1U6

amount had been deposited, proceeded at the head of a
strong detachment up the river to ^sopus, which he also
destroyed.*

Putnam, whose army had been augmented by reinforce-
ments of militia to 6,000 men, detached General Parsons
with 2,000 to repossess himself of Peekskill and of the
passes in the Highlands, while with the residue he watched
the progress of the enemy up the river. The want of
heavy artillery prevented his annoying their ships in the
Hudson*

On the capitulation of Burgoyne, near 5,000 men had
been detached by Gates to aid Putnam. Before their ar-
rival General Vaughan had returned to New York, whence
a reinforcement to General Howe was then about to sail.

Great as was the injury sustained by the United States
from this enterprise Great Britain derived from it no solid
advantage. It was undertaken at too late a period to save
Burgoyne, and though the passes in the Highlands were
acquired, they could not be retained. The British had re-
duced to ashes every village and almost every house
within their power, but this wanton and useless destruc-
tion served to irritate without tending to subdue. A keen-
ness was given to the resentment of the injured, which
outlived the contest between the two nations.

The army which surrendered at Saratoga exceeded 5,000
men. On marching from Ticonderoga it was estimated at
9,00a In addition to this great military force the British
lost and the Americans acquired, a fine train of artillery,
7,000 stand of excellent arms, clothing for 7,000 recruits,

* Intelligence of the success of Sir Henry Clinton on the North
river was received by General Burgoyne in the night after the
convention at Saratoga had been agreed upon, but before the ar-
ticles had been signed and executed. The British general had
serious thoughts of breaking off the treaty.

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1146 WASHINGTON.

with tents and other military stores to a considerable
amount

The thanks of Congress were voted to General Gates
and his army, and a medal of gold in commemoration of
this great event was ordered to be struck and presented
to him by the President in the name of the United States.
Colonel Wilkinson, his adjutant-general, whom he
strongly recommended, was appointed brigadier-general
by brevet.

In the opinion that the British would not immediately
abandon the passes in the Highlands, Congress ordered
Putnam to join Washington with a reinforcement not ex-
ceeding 2,500 men, and directed Gates to take command of
the army on the Hudson, with unlimited powers to call
for aids of militia from the New England States as well
as from New York and New Jersey.

A proposition to authorize the Commander-in-Chief,
after consulting with General Gates and Grovernor George
Clinton, to increase the detachment designed to strengthen
his army, if he should then be of opinion that it might be
done without endangering the objects to be accomplished
by Gates, was seriously opposed. An attempt was made
to amend this proposition so as to make the increase of
the reinforcement to depend on the assent of Gates and
Clinton, but this amendment was lost by a considerable
majority and the original resolution was carried. These
proceedings were attended with no other consequences
than to excite some degree of attention to the state of
parties.

Soon after the capitulation of Burgoyne Tlconderoga
and Mount Independence were evacuated and the garri-
son retired to Isle aux Noix and St. John's.

The effect produced by this event on the British cabinet
and nation was gr^af gnd immediate. It seemed to remove

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UFE AND TIMES, 1147

the delusive hopes of conquest with which they had been
flattered, and suddenly to display the mass of resistance
which must yet be encountered. Previous to the recep-
tion of this disastrous intelligence the employment of
savages in the war had been the subject of severe animad-
version. Parliament was assembled on the 20th of No-
vember (1777), and, as usual, addresses were proposed in
answer to the speech from the throne entirely approving
the conduct of the administration. In the House of Lords
the Earl of Chatham moved to amend the address by in-
troducing a clause recommending to his majesty an im-
mediate cessation of hostilities and the commencement of
a treaty of conciliation, "to restore peace and liberty to
America, strength and happiness to England, security and
permanent prosperity to both countries." In the course
of the very animated observations made by this extraor-
dinary man in support of his motion, he said : " But, my
lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and
mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and associate to
our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage ?
to call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabit-
ant of the woods? to delegate to the merciless Indian the
defense of disputed rights and to wage the horrors of his
barbarous wa^: against our brethren? My lords, these
enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. Unless
thoroughly done away they will be a stain on the national
character. It is not the least of our national misfortunes
that the streng^ and character of our army are thus im-
paired. Familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage
cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous
principles which dignify a soldier; no longer sympathise
with the dignity of the royal banner nor feel the pride,
pomp, and circumstance of glorious war that makes ambi-
tion virtue. What makes ambition virtue? The sense of

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1148 WASHINGTON.

honor. But is this sense of honor consistent with the
spirit of plunder or the practice of murder? Can it flow
from mercenary motives? or can it prompt to cruel
deeds?"

The conduct of the administration, however, received
the full approbation of large majorities, but the triumph
these victories in parliament afforded them was of short
duration. The disastrous issue of an expedition from
which the most sanguine expectations had been formed
was soon known, and the mortification it produced was
extreme. A reluctant confession of the calamity was made
by the minister and a desire to restore peace on any terms
consistent with the integrity of the empire found its way
into the cabinet

The surrender of Burgoyne was an event of very great
importance in a political point of view as it undoubtedly
decided the French government to form an alliance with
the United States, but it was only one of the many disasters
to the British arms which compelled them to acknowledge
our independence. There remained much to be done.
Washington was still to endure greater hardships and
mortifications — to have his patriotism and disinterested-
ness more severely tried than ever during the coming cam-
paigns. We must now return to his dreary camp at Valley
Forge.

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CHAPTER XIII.

WASHINGTON AT VALLEY FORQB.

1777. 1778.

WE have already given some details of the suffer-
ings endured by Washington and his brave sol-
diers at Valley Forge. One-half the tale is not
told — never will be told; their sufferings were unutter-
able. A review of this portion of Washington's life will
show that at Valley Forge not only was a g^eat deal suf-
fered but a g^eat deal was done. Here the army was
hardened from the gristle of youth to the bone and muscle
of manhood. It entered the tents of that dreary encamp-
ment a courageous but disorderly rabble; it left them a
disciplined army. But we must not anticipate events.

This army, which was under the immediate command of
Washington, was engaged through the winter (i 777-1 778)
in endeavoring to stop the intercourse between Philadel-
phia and the country. To effect this object General Small-
wood was detached with one division to Wilmington;
Colonel Morgan, who had been detached from Gates's
army, was placed on the lines on the west side of the
Schuylkill, and General Armstrong with the Pennsylvania
militia, was stationed near the old camp at White Marsh.
Major Jameson with two troops of cavalry and M'Lane's
infantry, was directed to guard the east and Capt. Henry
Lee with his troop, the west side of that river. General
Count Pulaski, who commanded the horse, led the residue

(1 149)

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1160 WASHINGTON.

of the cavalry to Trenton, where he trained them for the
ensuing campaign.

One of the first operations meditated by Washington
after crossing the Schuylkill was the destruction of a large
quantity of hay which remained in the islands above the
mouth of Darby creek, within the power of the British.
Early in the morning, after his orders for this purpose had
been given (December 22d), Howe marched out in full
force and encamped between Darby and the middle ferry,
so as completely to cover the islands while a foraging
party removed the hay. Washington, with the intention of
disturbing this operation, gave orders for putting his army
in motion, when the alarming fact was disclosed that the
commissary's stores were exhausted and that the last
ration had been delivered and consumed.

Accustomed as were the Continental troops to priva-
tions of every sort, it would have been hazarding too
much to move them under these circumstances against a
powerful enemy. In a desert or in a garrison where food
is unattainable, courage, patriotism, and habits of disci-
pline enable the soldier to conquer wants which, in ordi-
nary situations, would be deemed invincible. But to
perish in a country abounding with provisions requires
something more than fortitude; nor can soldiers readily
submit while in such a country to the deprivation of food.
It is not, therefore, surprising that among a few of the
troops some indications of a mutiny appeared. It is much
more astonishing that the great body of the army bore a
circumstance so irritating, and to them so unaccountable,
without a murmur.

On receiving intelligence of the fact, Washington or-
dered the country to be scoured and provisions for supply-
ing the pressing wants of the moment to be seized
wherever found. In the meantime light parties were de-

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1151

tached to harass the enemy about Darby, where Howe,
with his accustomed circumspection, kept his army so
compact and his soldiers so within the lines that an op-
portunity to annoy him was seldom afforded even to the
vigilance of Morgan and Lee. After completing his for-
age he returned, with inconsiderable loss, to Philadelphia.
That the American army, while the value still retained
by paper bills placed ample funds in the hands of govern-
ment, should be destitute of food in the midst of a State
so abounding with provisions as Pennsylvania, is one of
those extraordinary facts which cannot fail to excite at-
tention. A few words of explanation seem to be needed
to account for such a fact. Early in the war the office of
commissary-general had been conferred on Colonel Trum-
bull, of Connecticut, a gentleman well fitted for that im-
portant station. Yet, from the diflRculty of arranging so
complicated a department, complaints were repeatedly
made of the insufficiency of supplies. The subject was
taken up by Congress, but the remedy administered
served only to increase the disease. The system was not
completed till near midsummer, and then its arrangements
were such that Colonel Trumbull refused the office as-
signed to him. The new plan contemplated a number of
subordinate officers, all to be appointed by Congress, and
neither accountable to nor removable by the head of the
department. This arrangement, which was made in direct
opposition to the opinion of the Commander-in-Chief,
drove Colonel Trumbull from the army. Congress, how-
ever, persisted in the system, and its effects were not long
in unfolding themselves. In every military division of
the continent loud complaints were made of the deficiency
of supplies. The armies were greatly embarrassed and
their movements suspended by the want of provisions.
The present total failure of all supply was preceded by

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1152 WASHINGTON.

issuing meat unfit to be eaten. Representations on this
subject had been made to the Commander-in-Chief and
communicated to Congress. That body had authorized
him to seize provisions for the use of his army within
seventy miles of headquarters and to pay for them in
money or in certificates. The odium of this measure was
increased by the failure of government to provide funds
to take up these certificates when presented. At the same
time the provisions carried into Philadelphia were paid
for in specie at a fair price. The temptation was too great
to be resisted. Such was the dexterity employed by the
inhabitants in eluding the laws that notwithstanding the
vigilance of the troops stationed on the lines they often
succeeded in concealing their provisions from those au-
thorized to impress for the army and in conveying them
to Philadelphia. Washington, urged on by Congress, is-
sued a proclamation requiring all the farmers within sev-
enty miles of Valley Forge to thresh out one-half of their
grain by the ist of February and the rest by the ist of
March, under the penalty of having the whole seized as
straw. Many farmers refused, defended their grain and
cattle with muskets and rifle, and, in some instances, burnt
what they could not defend.

It would seem that Washington had a sufficiently heavy
burden upon his shoulders in the harassing cares and anxi-
eties of his position, and that he might have been spared
from trials of another sort to which he was exposed at
this time, but Washington experienced what every great
and good man must expect to meet with in an envious
and malicious world. Thus far, apparently, little else than
ill-success had attended the military exploits of the Com-
mander-in-Chief. He had been compelled to retreat con-
tinually before a powerful enemy. New York and Phila-
delphia had been lost, and there was almost nothing of a

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UFE AND TIMES. 116S

brilliant or striking character in what had transpired dur-
ing the war under Washington's immediate direction. On
the other hand, the victory at Saratoga had thrown a lustre
around Gates' name which far outshone for the time the
solid and enduring light of Washington's noble and patri-
otic devotion to his country. It was the first great victory
of the war and it was a victory which necessarily had a
most important effect upon the future prospects of the
United States. No wonder, then, that restless and envi-
ous men should make invidious comparisons between the
hero of Saratoga and the Commander-in-Chief. No won-
der that Washington should suffer from detraction and the
intrigues of dissatisfied and scheming men, to whom his
unsullied virtue, purity, and integ^ty were invincible ob-
stacles to every design of theirs to promote selfish or am-
bitious ends.

A direct and systematic attempt was made to ruin the
reputation of Washington, and from the name of the per-
son principally concerned this attempt is known by the
title of Conway's Cabal. General Gates and General Mif-
flin of the army and Samuel Adams and others in Congress
had more or less to do with this matter. Gates and Mif-
flin had taken offense at not receiving certain appoint-
ments during the siege of Boston, and were at no time
well disposed toward Washington; Conway, a restless,
boastful, and intriguing character, had always been dis-
trusted by Washington, and he knew it. Some of the
New England members do not seem ever to have cordi-
ally liked Washington's appointment as Commander-in-
Chief, and now, when the capture of Burgo)me had been
effected by the northern army without the intervention of
Washington the malcontents ventured to assume a bolder
attitude. Anonymous letters were freely circulated, at-
tributing the ill-success of the American arms to the in-
73

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1164 WASHINGTON.

capacity or vacillating policy of Washington and filled with
insinuations and exaggerated complaints against the Com-
mander-in-Chief.*

Washington was not unaware of what his enemies were
attempting, but it was not till after the victory of Saratoga
that the matter assumed a definite shape. The success of
the northern army, which in fact was chiefly due to Schuy-
ler, so elated Gates that he seemed to adopt the views of
those other members of the cabal who were disposed to
favor his aspirations to the office of commander-in-chief.
He even ventured to do what few men ever dared, to treat
Washington with disrespect. After the victory of the 7th
of October (1777) had opened to him the prospect of sub-
duing the army of BurgO)me, he not only omitted to com-
municate his success to Washington, but carried on a cor-
respondence with Conway, in which that officer expressed
great contempt for the Commander-in-Chief. When the
purport of this correspondence, which had been divulged
by Wilkinson to Lord Stirling, became known to Washing-
ton, he exploded the whole affair by sending the offensive
expressions directly to Conway, who communicated the
information to Gates, f Gates demanded the name of the
informer in a letter to Washington, far from being con-
ciliatory in its terms, which was accompanied with the
very extraordinary circumstance of being passed through
Congress. Washington's answer completely humbled him.

* Spencer, " History of the United States."

tThc cool contempt expressed in Washington's letter to Con-
way is one of the most curious features of this affair. It reads as
follows: "To Brigadier-General Conway: Sir — A letter which
I received last night contained the following paragraph: 'In a
letter from General Conway to General Gates, he says, " Heaven
has determined to save your country, or a weak general and bad
counsellors would have ruine4 it'" I am, sir, your humble
servant"

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UFE AND TIMES. 1155

It pointed out the inconsistencies and contradictions of
Gates' defense and showed him that Washington had
penetrated his whole scheme and regarded it with lofty
contempt. In a subsequent letter Gates besought him to
bury the subject in oblivion.

Meantime, Washington's enemies in Congress were bold
and active. A new Board of War was created, of which
Gates was appointed the president, and Mifflin, who was
of the party unfriendly to Washington, was one of its
members. Conway, who was probably the only brigadier
in the army that had joined this faction, was appointed
inspector-general and was promoted above senior briga-
diers to the rank of major-general. These were evidences
that if the hold which the Commander-in-Chief had taken
of the affections and confidence of the army and nation
could be loosened, the party in Congress disposed to
change their general was far from being contemptible in
point of numbers. But to loosen this hold was impossi-
ble. The indignation with which the idea of such a change
was received, even by the victorious troops who had con-
quered under Gates, forms the most conclusive proof of
its strength. Even the northern army dung to Washing-
ton as the savior of his country.

These machinations to diminish the well-earned repu-
tation of Washington made no undue impression on his
steady mind, nor did they change one of his measures.
His sensibilities seem to have been those of patriotism,
of apprehension for his country, rather than of wounded
pride.* His desire to remain at the head of the army
seemed to flow from the conviction that his retaining that
station would be useful to his country, rather than from
the gratification his high rank might furnish to ambition.

♦MarshaU.

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1156 WASHINGTON.

When he unbosomed himself to his private friends, the
feelings and sentiments he expressed were worthy of
Washington. To Mr.' Laurens,* the President of Con-
gress, and his private friend, who, In an unofficial letter,
had communicated an anonymous accusation made to him,
as President, containing heavy charges against the Com-
mander-in-Chief, he said. " I cannot sufficiently express
the obligation I feel toward you for your friendship and
politeness upon an occasion in which I am deeply interested.
I was not unapprised that a malignant faction had been
for some time forming to my prejudice, which, conscious
as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer
the important purposes of the trusts reposed in me, could
not but give me some pain on a personal account ; but my
chief concern arises from an apprehension of the danger-
ous consequences which intestine dissensions may produce
to the common cause.

"As I have no other view than to promote the public
good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the
approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least
degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part
of my conduct that even faction itself may deem repre-
hensible. The anonymous paper handed yoti exhibits
many serious charges and it is my wish that it may be
submitted to Congress. This I am the more inclined to
as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve
you in embarrassment hereafter since it is uncertain how
many or who may be privy to the contents.

" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me.
They know the delicacy of my situation and that motives

*John Hancock, who succeeded Peyton Randolph as president
of Congress, retired on the 29th of October, 1777. His successor
was Henry Laurens, of South Carolina.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1157

of policy deprive me of the defense I might otherwise make
against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot com-
bat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclos-
ing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal But
why should I expect to be free from censure, the unfail-
ing lot of an elevated station ? Merit and talents which I
cannot pretend to rival have ever been subject to it. My
heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the
best which circumstances would permit Yet I may have
been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means
and may in many instances deserve the imputation of
error."

While Washington expressed himself in these modest
terms to a personal friend, he assumed a much bolder and
higher tone to the dastardly enemies who were continually
thwarting his designs and injuring the public service by
their malignity and incapacity. These were public enemies
to be publicly arraigned. Seizing the occasion to which
we have already referred, when the army was tmable to
march against the enemy for want of provisions, he sent
to the President of Congress the following letter which,
of course, like the rest of his correspondence, was to be
read to the whole house. It is severer than any he had
ever written:

"Full as I was in my representation of the matters in
the commissary's department yesterday, fresh and more
powerful reasons oblige me to add that I am now convinced
beyond a doubt that unless some great and capital change
suddenly takes place in that line this army must inevitably
be reduced to one or other of these three things — to
starve, dissolve, or disperse in order to obtain subsistence.
Rest assured, sir, that this is not an exaggerated picture,
and that I have abundant reason to suppose what I say.

"Saturday afternoon receiving information that the

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1158 WASHINGTON.

enemy in force had left the city and were advancing to-
ward Darby with apparent design to forage and draw sub-
sistence from that part of the country, I ordered the troops
to be in readiness that I might give every opposition in
my power, when, to my great mortification, I was not
only informed but convinced that the men were unable to
stir on account of a want of provisions, and that a dan-
gerous mutiny begun the night before, and which with
difficulty was suppressed by the spirited exertions of some
officers, was still much to be apprehended from the want
this article.

" This brought forth the only commissary in the pur-
chasing line in this camp and with him this melancholy
and alarming truth, that he had not a single hoof of any
kind to slaughter and not more than twenty-five barrels
of flour! From hence form an opinion of oiu- situation
when I add that he could not tell when to expect any.

"All I could do under these circumstances was to send
out a few light parties to watch and harass the enemy,
whilst other parties were instantly detached different ways
to collect, if possible, as much provisions as would satisfy
the pressing wants of the soldiers; but will this answer?
No, sir. Three or four days of bad weather would prove
our destruction. What then is to become of the army this
winter? And if we are now as often without provisions as
with them what is to become of us in the spring when our
force will be collected, with the aid perhaps of militia,
to take advantage of an early campaign before the enemy
can be reinforced? These are considerations of g^eat mag-
nitude, meriting the closest attention, and will, when my
own reputation is so intimately connected with and to be
affected by the event, justify my saying that the present
commissaries are by no means equal to the execution of
the office, or that the disaffection of the people surpasses

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UFE AND TIMES. 1169

all belief. The misfortune, however, does in my opinion
proceed from both causes, and though I have been tender
heretofore of giving my opinion or of lodging complaints,
as the change in that department took place contrary to
my judgment and the consequences therecrf were predicted,
yet finding that the inactivity of the army, whether for
want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials is charged
to my account, not only by the common vulgar but by
those in power, it is time to speak plain in exculpation of
myself. With truth then I can declare that no man, in
my opinion, ever had his measures more impeded than
I have by every department of the army. Since the month
of July we have had no assistance from the Quartermaster-
General, and to want of assistance from this department
the Commissary-General charges great part of his de-
ficiency. To this I am to add that notwithstanding it is
a standing order (often repeated) that the troops shall
always have two days' provision by them, that they may
be ready at any sudden call, yet scarcely any opportunity
has ever offered of taking advantage of the enemy that
has not been either totally obstructed or greatly impeded
on this account, and this, the great and crying evil, is not
all. Soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed by Con-
gress we see none of, nor have we seen them, I believe,
since the battle of Brandywine. The first, indeed, we have
little occasion for — few men having more than one shirt,
many only the moiety of one, and some none at all. In
addition to which, as a proof of the little benefit from a
clothier-general, and at the same time as a further proof of
the inability of an army under the circumstances of this to
perform the common duties of soldiers, we have, by a
field return this day made, besides a number of men con-
fined to hospitals for want of shoes and others in farmers'
houses on the same account, no less than 2,898 men now

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1160 WASHINGTON.

in camp unfit for duty because they are barefoot and
otherwise naked. By the same return it appears that our
whole strength in Continental troops, including the east-
ern brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of
General Burgoyne, exclusive of the Maryland troops sent
to Wilmington, amounts to no more than 8,200 in camp
fit for duty; notwithstanding which, and that since the
4th inst., our number fit for duty, from the hardships and
exposures they have undergone, particularly from the want
of blankets, have decreased near 2,000 men, we find, gen-
tlemen, without knowing whether the army was really
going into winter quarters or not (for I am sure no reso-
lution of mine would warrant the remonstrance), reprobat-
ing the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers
were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible to
frost and snow; and, moreover, as if they conceived it
easily practicable for an inferior army, under the disadvan-
tages I have described ours to be — which are by no means
exaggerated — to confine a superior one, in all respects
well appointed and provided for a winter's campaign,
within the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from depreda-
tion and waste the States of Pennsylvania, Jersey, etc.
But what makes this matter still more extraordinary in
my eye is that these very gentlemen, who were well ap-
prised of the nakedness of the troops from octdar demon*
stration, who thought their own soldiers worse clad than
others and advised me near a month ago to postpone the
execution of a plan I was about to adopt, in consequence
of a resolve of Congress for seizing clothes, under strong
assurances that an ample supply would be collected in ten
days, agreeably to a decree of the State (not one article
of which, by the by, is yet come to hand), should think
a winter's campaign and the covering of their States from
the invasion of an enemy so easy and practicable a busi-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1161

ness. I can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier
and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a com-
fortable room, by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold,
bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow without clothes
or blankets. However, although they seem to have little
feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel super-
abundantly for them, and from my soul pity those miseries
which it is not in my power either to relieve or to prevent."

This letter must have convinced Washington's implac-
able enemies in Congress that he had no thoughts of con-
ciliating them. He despised and defied them. Its effect
on those who were friendly to him would necessarily be
inspiriting. His bold attitude justified their reliance on
his moral courage and enabled them to demand the enact-
ment of those measures which were necessary for the
preservation of the army and the successful assertion of
the country's independence.

It is probable that this letter gave the finishing stroke
to the Conway Cabal. While Gates and MifHin denied that
they had ever desired or aimed at Washington's removal
from the office of Commander-in-Chief and sought to re-
cover his confidence, Conway himself, who was still in-
spector-general, after denying any design to remove Wash-
ington, still maintained an offensive attitude toward him,
wrote impertinent letters to him, and persisted in intrigu-
ing against him with Congress. But he found himself
foiled in all his ambitious and factious designs, and he
had become excessively unpopular in the army. He felt
at last that he was in a false position; we shall presently
see how his career in this country terminated.

Washington's conduct through the whole period of the
Conway Cabal, which lasted several months, is highly
characteristic of the man. While he regarded it with con-
tempt, so far as he was personally concerned, he felt an-

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1162 WASHINGTON.

noyed and distressed at the injury which it was inflicting
on the public service. When the moment was come for
unmasking the conspirators, by informing Conway that he
was aware of their designs, he applied the match which
was to explode the whole plot and cover its originators
with shame and confusion. This he did in a quiet, busi-
ness-like way because the public service required it. Con-
gress, having committed itself by promoting his enemies,
cotdd not at once retract, but the officers themselves made
haste to escape from public indignation by denials and
apologies, and the final effect of the Conway Cabal was
to establish Washington more firmly than ever in the con-
fidence and affection of the whole country.*

His situation, however, was by no means enviable. His
army was much attached to him, but weakened by disease,
and irritated by nakedness and hunger, it was almost on
the point of dissolution. In the midst of the difficulties
and dangers with which he was surrounded Washington
displayed a singular degree of steady perseverance, un-
shaken fortitude, and unwearied activity. Instead of mani-
festing irritable impatience under the malignant attacks
made on his character he behaved with magnanimity, and
earnestly applied to Congress and to the legislative bodies
of the several States for reinforcements to his army in
order that he might be prepared to act with vigor in the
ensuing campaign.

But to recruit and equip the army was no easy task.
The great depreciation of paper money rendered the pay

♦The correspondence relating to the Conway Cabal is given
entire in the Appendix to the fifth volume of Sparks' " Writings
of Washington." It is very curious and interesting. Among other
letters are anonymous ones addressed to Patrick Henry, Governor
of Virginia, and to Mr. Laurens, President of Congress, full of
slanders against Washington.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1163

of the soldiers inadequate to their support, and conse-
quently it was not likely that voluntary enlistment would
be successful, especially since the patriotic ardor of many
had begun to cool by the continuance of the war, and all
knew that great hardships and dangers were to be en-
countered by joining the army. The pay even of the of-
ficers, in the depreciated paper currency, was wholly un-
equal to the maintenance of their rank. Some of them
who had small patrimonial estates found them melting
away, while their lives were unprofitably devoted to the
service of their country, and they who had no private
fortune could not appear in a manner becoming their sta-
tion. A commission was a burden, and many considered
the acceptance of one as conferring rather than receiving
a favor — a state of things highly disadvantageous to the
service, for the duties of an office scarcely reckoned worth
holding will seldom be zealously and actively discharged.
There was reason to apprehend that many of the most
meritorious officers would resign their commissions, and
that they only who were less qualified for service would
remain with the army.

Congress, moved by the remonstrances of Washington,
and by the complaints with which they were assailed from
every quarter, deputed a committee of their body to re-
side in camp during the winter, and in concert with the
general to examine the state of the army and report on
the measures necessary to be taken for placing it in a more
respectable condition. The members of this committee
were Francis Dana, General Reed, Nathaniel Folsom,
Charles Carroll, and Governeur Morris. On their arrival
at Valley Forge Washington submitted to them a memoir,
filling fifty folio pages, exhibiting the existing state of the
army, the deficiencies and disorders, and their causes, and
suggesting such reforms as he deemed necessary. Upon

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1164 WASHINGTON.

this document the plan for improving the efficiency of the
army was formed and communicated to Congress by the
committee, who remained in camp nearly three months.
Congress approved of their proceedings and adopted their
plan, but they legislated so slowly that the effect of their
proceedings was hardly felt before the month of April

(1778).

Among the reforms recommended by the committee,
called the " Committee of Arrangement," who were sent
to the camp, none met with so much opposition in Con-
gress as that which provided for increasing the pay of the
officers and soldiers of the army. Hitherto there had
been no provision made for officers after the war should
end, and the pay which they were actually receiving being
in depreciated Continental bills was merely nominal. To
the effect of this state of things in the army we have al-
ready adverted. It was most disastrous. Washington was
desirous that Congress should make provision for giving
officers half pay for life, or some other permanent pro-
vision, and increasing the inducements for soldiers to
enlist. A party in Congress opposed this as having the ap-
pearance of a standing army, a pension list, and a privi-
leged order in society.

In a letter to Congress Washington said: ** If my opin-
ion is asked with respect to the necessity of making this
provision for the officers I am ready to declare that I do
most religiously believe the salvation of the cause depends
upon it, and without it your officers will moulder to noth-
ing, or be composed of low and illiterate men, void of ca-
pacity for this or any other business.

"Personally, as an officer, I have no interest in their
decision, because I have declared, and I now repeat it,
that I never will receive the smallest benefit from the half-
pay establishment, but as a man who fights under the

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1165

weight of a proscription, and as a citizen, who wishes to
see the liberty of his country established upon a perma-
nent foundation, and whose property depends upon the
success of our arms, I am deeply interested. But all this
apart and justice out of the question, upon the single
ground of economy and public saving, I will maintain the
utility of it, for I have not the least doubt that until of-
ficers consider their commissions in an honorable and in-
terested point of view, and are afraid to endanger them by
negligence and inattention, no order, regularity, or care,
either of the men or public property, will prevail."

The following passages, from a letter addressed to a
delegate in Congress from Virginia, exhibit the view Wash-
ington took at the time of public affairs and the spirit and
eloquence with which he pleaded the cause of the country
and the army.

" Before I conclude there are one or two points more
upon which I will add an observation or two. The first
is the indecision of Congress and the delay used in com-
ing to determinations on matters referred to them. This
is productive of a variety of inconveniences, and an early
decision, in many cases, though it should be against the
measure submitted, would be attended with less pernicious
effects. Some new plan might then be tried, but while the
matter is held in suspense nothing can be attempted. The
other point is the jealousy which Congress unhappily en-
tertain of the army, and which, if reports are right, some
members labor to establish. You may be assured there
is nothing more injurious or more unfounded. This
jealousy stands upon the commony received opinion, which
under proper limitations is certainly true, that standing
armies are dangerous to a State. The prejudices in other
countries have only gone to them in time of peace, and
these from their not having in general cases any of the

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1166 WASHINGTON.

ties, the concerns, or interests of citizens, or any other
dependence than what flowed from their military employ;
in short, from their being mercenaries, hirelings. It is
our policy to be prejudiced against them in time of war,
though they are citizens, having all the ties and interests
of citizens, and in most cases property totally uncon-
nected with the military line.

" If we would pursue a right system of policy, in my
opinion, there should be none of these distinctions. We
should all. Congress and army, be considered as one peo-
ple, embarked in one cause, in one interest, acting on
the same principle and to the same end. The distinction,
the jealousies set up, or perhaps only incautiously let out,
can answer not a single good purpose. They are im-
politic in the extreme. Among individuals the most cer-
tain way to make a man your enemy is to tell him you
esteem him such. So with public bodies, and the very
jealousy which the narrow politics of some may aflfect to
entertain of the army, in order to a due subordination to
the supreme civil authority, is a likely means to produce
a contrary effect — to incline it to the pursuit of those
measures which they may wish it to avoid. It is unjust
because no order of men in the thirteen States has paid a
more sacred regard to the proceedings of Congress than
the army, for without arrogance or the smallest deviation
from truth it may be said that no history now extant can
furnish an instance of an army's suffering such uncommon
hardships as ours has done, and bearing them with the
same patience and fortitude. To see men without clothes
to cover their nakedness, without blankets to lie on, with-
out shoes (for the want of which their marches might be
traced by the blood from their feet), and almost as often
without provisions as with them, marching through the
frost and snow, and at Christmas taking up their winter

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UFE AND TIMES, 1167

quarters within a day's march of the enemy, without a
house or hut to cover them till they could be built, and
submitting without a murmur, is a proof of patience and
obedience which in my opinion can scarcely be paralleled."

Such representations as these could not fail to produce
some effect even on the minds of those who were opposed
to the measures which Washington proposed. Still the
action of Congress was, as usual, dilatory. After a great
deal of discussion a vote was passed by a small majority
to give the officers half pay for life. This vote was recon-
sidered, and it was finally agreed that the officers should
receive half pay for seven years after the close of the war,
or that each noncommissioned officer and soldier, who
should continue in the army till the close of the war, should
receive a bounty of $80.

We have anticipated the order of time in order to dis-
pose finally of this matter which was not terminated till
the spring of 1778.

During the winter Howe confined his operations to
those small excursions that were calculated to enlarge the
comforts of his own soldiers, who, notwithstanding the
favorable dispositions of the neighboring country, were
much distressed for fuel and often in great want of forage
and fresh provisions. The vigilance of the parties on the
lines, especially on the south side of the Schuylkill, inter-
cepted a large portion of the supplies intended for the
Philadelphia market, and corporal punishment was fre-
quently inflicted on those who were detected in attempt-
ing this infraction of the laws. As Capt Henry Lee,
called in the army " Light Horse Harry," was particularly
active, a plan was formed late in January to surprise and
capture him in his quarters. An extensive circuit was made
by a large body of cavalry who seized four of his patrols
without communicating an alarm. About break of day the

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1168 WASHINGTON.

British horse appeared, upon which Captain Lee placed
his troopers that were in the house at the doors and win-
dows, who behaved so gallantly as to repulse the assailants
without losing a horse or man. Only Lieutenant Lind-
say and one private were wounded. The whole number
in the house did not exceed ten. That of the assailants
was said to amount to 200. They lost a sergeant and three
men, with several horses killed, and an officer and three
men wounded.*

The result of this skirmish gave great pleasure to Wash-
ington who had formed a high opinion of Lee's talents as
a partisan. He mentioned the affair in his orders with
strong marks of approbation, and in a private letter to the
captain testified the satisfaction he felt For his merit
through the preceding campaign Congress promoted him
to the rank of major and gave him an independent partisan
corps, to consist of three troops of horse.

While the deficiency of the public resources, arising
from the alarming depreciation of the bills of credit, mani-
fested itself in all the military departments, a plan was
matured in Congress and in the Board of War, without
consulting the Commander-in-Chief, for a second irruption
into Canada. It was proposed to place the Marquis de
Lafayette at the head of this expedition and to employ
Generals Conway and Stark as the second and third in
command.

This was a measure planned by those who were not
friendly to Washington; and one of its objects was to
detach Lafayette from his best and dearest friend and bring
him over to the Conway party. Lafayette would have

♦^Previous to this affair, Captain Lee, in his frequent skirmishes
with the enemy, had already captured at least a hundred of their
men.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1169

declined the appointment, but Washington advised him
to accept it, probably foreseeing how the affair would
terminate.

The first intimation to Washington that the expedition
was contemplated was given in a letter from the President
of the Board of War of the 24th of January (1778), in-
closing one of the same date to the Marquis, requiring his
attendance on Congress to receive his instructions. Wash-
ington was requested to fiu"nish Colonel Hazen's regiment,
chiefly composed of Canadians, for the expedition, and in
the same letter his advice and opinion were asked respect-
ing it. The northern States were to furnish the necessary
troops.

Without noticing the manner in which this business had
been conducted and the marked want of confidence it be-
trayed, Washington ordered Hazen's regiment to march
toward Albany, and Lafayette proceeded immediately to
the seat of Congress at Yorktown. At his request he was
to be considered as an officer detached from the army of
Washington, to remain under his orders, and Major-Gen-
eral the Baron de Kalb was added to the expedition ; after
which Lafayette repaired in person to Albany to take
charge of the troops who were to assemble at that place
in order to cross the lakes on the ice and attack Montreal.

On arriving at Albany he found no preparations made
for the expedition. Nothing which had been promised
being in readiness, he abandoned the enterprise as imprac-
ticable. Some time afterward Congress also determined
to relinquish it, and Washington was authorized to recall
both Lafayette and De Kalb.

While the army lay at Valley Forge the Baron Steuben
arrived in camp. This gentleman was a Prussian officer
who came to the United States with ample recommenda-
tions. He had served many years in the armies of the
74

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lirO WASHINGTON.

great Frederick, had been one his aides-de-camp, and had
held the rank of lieutenant-general. He was well versed
in the system of field exercise which the King of Prussia
had introduced, and was qualified to each it to raw troops.
He claimed no rank and offered his services as a volunteer.
After holding a conference with Congress he proceeded
to Valley Forge.

Although the office of inspector-general had been be-
stowed on Conway, he had never entered on its duties,
and his promotion to the rank of major-general had given
much umbrage to the brigadiers who had been his seniors.
That circumstance, in addition to the knowledge of his
being in a faction hostile to the Commander-in-Chief, ren-
dered his situation in the army so uncomfortable that he
withdrew to Yorktown, in Pennsylvania, which was then
the seat of Congress. When the expedition to Canada
was abandoned he was not directed, with Lafayette and
De Kalb, to rejoin the army. Entertaining no hope of
being permitted to exercise the functions of his new office,
he resigned his commission about the last of April and,
some time afterward, returned to France.* On his resig-

* General Conway, after his resignation, frequently indulged in
expressions of extreme hostility to the Commander-in-Chief.
These indiscretions were offensive to the gentlemen of the army.
In consequence of them, he was engaged in an altercation with
General Caldwalader, which produced a duel, in which Conway
received a wound supposed for some time to be mortal. While
his recovery was despaired of, he addressed the following letter to
General Washington:

Philadelphia, July 23d, 1778.

Sir,— I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few
minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief
for having done, written, or said, any thing disagreeable to your
excellency. My career will soon be over; therefore, justice and
truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my

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UFB AND TIMES. 1171

nation the Baron Steuben, who had, as a volunteer, per-
formed the duties of inspector-general much to the satis-
faction of the Commander-in-Chief and of the army, was,
on the recommendation of Washington, appointed to that
office, with the rank of major-general, without exciting the
slightest murmur.

This gentleman was of immense service to the Ameri-
can troops. He established one uniform system of field
exercise, and, by his skill and persevering industry, ef-
fected important improvements through all ranks of the
army during its continuance at Valley Forge.

While it was encamped at that place several matters of
great interest engaged the attention of Congress. Among
them was the stipulation in the convention of Saratoga for
the return of the British army to England. Boston was
named as the place of embarkation. At the time of the
capitulation the difficulty of making that port early in the
winter was unknown to General Burgoyne. Conse-
quently, as some time must elapse before a sufficient num-
ber of vessels for the transportation of his army could be
collected, its embarkation might be delayed until the ensu-
ing spring. '

On being apprised of this circumstance, Burgoyne ap-
plied to Washington, desiring him to change the port of
embarkation and to appoint Newport, in Rhode Island,
or some other place on the Sound instead of Boston, and,
in case this request should not be complied with, soliciting,
on account of his health and private business, that the in-

eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love,
veneration, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have
asserted by your virtues.
I am, with the greatest respect, sir,

Your excellency's most obedient humble servant,

Ths. Conway.

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1172 WASHINGTON.

dulgence might be granted to himself and suite. Wash-
ington, not thinking himself authorized to decide on such
an appHcation, transmitted it to Congje«s, which took no
notice of the matter further than to pass a resolution
" That General Washington be directed to inform General
Burgoyne that Congress will not receive or consider any
proposition for indulgence or altering the terms of the
convention of Saratoga, unless immediately addressed to
their own body." The application was accordingly made
to Congress, who readily complied with the request in so
far as it respected himself personally,* but refused the
indulgence to his troops, and ultimately forbade their
embarkation.

Congress watched with a jealous eye every movement
of the convention army and soon gave public indications
of that jealousy. Early in November they ordered Gen-
eral Heath, who commanded in Boston, "to take the
name, rank, former place of abode, and description of
every person comprehended in the convention of Saratoga,
in order that, if afterward found in arms against the United
States, they might be punished according to the law of
nations." Burgoyne showed some reluctance to the exe-
cution of this order, and his reluctance was imputed to no
honorable motives.

If the troops had been embarked in the Sound they
might have reached Britain early in the winter, where,
without any breach of faith, government might have em-
ployed them in garrison duty and been enabled to send out

♦Gordon says: "May 13, 1778. General Burgoyne landed at
Portsmouth. On his arrival at London, he soon discovered that
he was no longer an object of court favor. He was refused ad-
mission to the royal presence; and from thence experienced all
those marks of being in disgrace, which are so well understood,
and so quickly observed by the retainers and followers 'of courts.'*

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UFE AND TIMES. 1173

a corresponding number of troops in time to take an active
part in the next campaign. But if the port of Boston were
adhered to as the place of embarkation, the convention
troops cculd not, it was thought, sail before the spring,
and, consequently, could not be replaced by the troops
whose duties they might perform at home till late in the
year 1778. /This circumstance, perhaps, determined Con-
gress to abide by Boston as the port of embarkation, and
in this their conduct was free from blame. But, by the
injuries mutually inflicted and suffered in the course of
the war, the minds of the contending parties were exas-
perated and filled with suspicion and distrust of each other.
Congress placed no reliance on British faith and honor,
and, on the subject under consideration, gave clear evi-
dence that on those points they were not over-scrupulous
themselves.

On arriving in Boston the British officers found their
quarters uncomfortable. This probably arose from the
large number of persons to be provided for and the
scarcity of rooms, fuel, and provisions, arising from
the presence of the whole captured army. But the officers
were much dissatisfied, and, after a fruitless correspond-
ence with Heath, Burgoyne addressed himself to Gates
and complained of the inconvenient quarters assigned his
officers as a breach of the articles of capitulation. Con-
gress was highly offended at the imputation and considered
or affected to consider the charge as made with a view to
justify a violation of the convention by his army as soon
as they escaped from captivity. A number of transports
for carrying off the convention troops was collected in the
Sound sooner than was expected, but that number,
amoimting only to twenty-six, the Americans thought in-
sufficient for transporting such a number of men to Brit-
ain in the winter season, and inferred that the intention

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1174 WASHINGTON.

could only be to carry them to the Delaware and incor-
porate them with Howe's army. They also alleged that
a number of cartouche-boxes and other accoutrements of
war belonging to the British army had not been delivered
up, agreeably to the convention, and argued that this vio-
lation on the part of the British released Congress from its
obligations to fulfil the terms of that compact.

On the 8th of January (1778), Congress resolved "to
suspend the embarkation of the army till a distinct and
explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga shall be
properly notified by the court of Great Britain to Con-
gress." Afterward the embarkation of the troops was de-
layed or refused for various reasons, and that part of the
convention remained unfulfilled. The troops were long
detained in Massachusetts; they were afterward sent to
the back parts of Virginia and none of them were released
but by exchange.

Mrs. Washington, as usual, visited her illustrious con-
sort in his quarters at Valley Forge during the winter.
' Writing from thence to a friend in Boston, she says : " I
came to this place some time about the ist of February
(1778), where I found the General very well. * * *
The General's apartment is very small ; he has had a log
cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much
more tolerable than they were at first." To those Ameri-
can citizens who are now reaping the rich fruits of Wash-
ington's toils and sufferings in his country's cause, these
few lines are very suggestive. One cannot help contrast-
ing the luxurious habitations of the present generation
with that log hut of the Father of his Country at Valley
Forge, to which the addition of another log hut to dine in
was considered by his consort a very comfortable append-
age. We should remember these things.

The effect of the news of Burgoyne's surrender, which

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UFB AND TIMES. 1176

reached Europe in the autumn of 1777, could not be other-
wise than highly favorable to the cause of American in-
dependence. Our envoys in France, Dr. Franklin, Silas
Deane, and Arthur Lee had long been soliciting an alli-
ance with France. But the cautious ministers of Louis
XVI, although secretly favoring our cause* and permit-
ting supplies to be forwarded by Beaumarchais, and the
prizes of our ships to be brought into their ports and sold,
had hitherto abstained from openly supporting us, lest
our arms should finally prove unsuccessful. But the sur-
render of a large army to Gates and the firm attitude of
Washington's army, besieging Howe in Philadelphia, as
they had previously besieged him in Boston, gave a new

♦As early as the month of April, 1776, Turgot had said to the
ministers of Louis XVI — " The supposition of the absolute sep-
aration between Great Britain and her Colonies seems to me
infinitely probable. This will be the result of it; when the inde-
pendence of the Colonies shall be entire and recognized by the
English themselves, a total revolution will follow in the political
and commercial relations between Europe and America; and I
firmly believe that every other mother-country will be forced to
abandon all empire over her Colonies, and to leave an entire free-
dom of commerce with all nations, to content herself with partak-
ing with others in the advantages of a free trade, and with
preserving the old ties of friendship and fraternity with her former
colonists. If this is an evil, I believe that there exists no remedy
or means of hindering it; that the only course to pursue is to
submit to the inevitable necessity, and console ourselves as best
we may under it. I must also observe, that there will be a very
great danger to all such powers as obstinately attempt to resist
this course of events; that after ruining themselves by efforts above
their means, they will still see their Colonies equally escape from
them, and become their bitter enemies, instead of remaining their
allies."*

* M€moire de M. Turfot, II l*occa«ion du MImoire remis par M. le Comte de
Vergennes sur U manl^re dont U France et l*EapagDe doivcnt envisager les suites de
la querelle entre la Grande Bretagne et ses Colonies. In ** Politique de tons les
Cabinets de TEorop* pendant let Kignet d« Louif XV, «| de Loult XVI.*' P»r L. P.
Segur Taintf .

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1176 WASHINGTON.

turn to French policy and disposed the ministry of Louis
to treat for an aJliance with the new republic.

On the other hand, the British court was in a state of
utter consternation. The war began to assume a more
portentous aspect, and the British ministry, unable to exe-
cute their original purpose, lowered their tone and showed
an inclination to treat with the Colonies on any terms
which did not imply their entire independence and com-
plete separation from the British empire. In order to
terminate the quarrel with America before the actual com-
mencement of hostilities with France, Lord North intro-
duced two bills into the House of Commons. The first
declared that Parliament would impose no tax or duty
whatever, payable within any of the Colonies of North
America, except only such duties as it might be expedient
to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce
of which should always be paid and applied to and for the
use of the Colonies in which the same shall be respectively
levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the
authority of their respective Legislatures are ordinarily
paid and applied; the second authorized the appointment
of commissioners by the Crown, with power to treat with
either the constituted authorities or with individuals in
America, but that no stipulation entered into should have
any effect till approved in Parliament It empowered the
commissioners, however, to proclaim a cessation of hostili-
ties in any of the Colonies; to suspend the operation of
the Non-intercourse Act; also to suspend, during the con-
tinuance of the act, so much of all or any of the acts of Par-
liament which have passed since the loth day of February,
1763, as relates to the Colonies; to grant pardons to any
number or description of persons, and to appoint a gov-
ernor in any Colony in which his Majesty had heretofore
exercised the power of making such appointment. The

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UFE AND TIMES, 1177

duration of the act was limited to the ist day of June,

1779.

These bills passed both Houses of Parliament, and as
about the time of their introduction ministry received in-
formation of the conclusion of the treaty between France
and the Colonies, they sent off copies of them to America,
even before they had gone through the usual formalities,
in order to counteract the effects which the news of the
French alliance might produce. Early in March, the Earl
of Carlisle, George Johnstone, and William Eden, Esqs.,
were appointed commissioners for carrying the acts into
execution, and the celebrated Dr. Adam Ferguson, then
professor of moral philosophy in the University of Edin-
burgh, was nominated their secretary. The commission-
ers sailed without delay for America. But the present
measure, like every other concession in the course of this
protracted contest, came too late. What was now offered
would at one time have been hailed in America with accla-
mations of joy and secured the grateful affection of the
Colonists. But circumstances were now changed. The
minds of the people were completely alienated from the
parent state and their spirits exasperated by the events of
the war. Independence had been declared, victory had
emblazoned the standards of Congress, and a treaty of alli-
ance with France had been concluded.

On the i6th of December (1777) the preliminaries of a
treaty between France and America were agreed on, and
the treaty itself was signed at Paris on the 6th of Febru-
ary, 1778, — an event of which the British ministry got in-
formation in little more than forty-eight hours after the
signatures were affixed. The principal articles of the
treaty were: That if Britain, in consequence of the alli-
ance, should commence hostilities against France, the two
countries shoxild mutually assist each other; that the inde-

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1178 WASHINGTON.

pendence of America should be effectually maintained;
that if any part of North America still professing allegi-
ance to the Crown of Britain should be reduced by the
Colonies it should belong to the United States; that if
France should conquer any of the British West India
Islands they should be deemed its property ; that the con-
tracting parties should not lay down their arms till the
independence of America was formally acknowledged, and
that neither of them should conclude a peace without the
consent of the other.

Lord North's conciliatory bills reached America before
the news of the French treaty and excited in Congress
considerable alarm. There were a number of Loyalists in
each of the Colonies ; many, though not unfriendly to the
American cause, had never entered cordially into the quar-
rel, and the heavy pressure of the war had begun to cool
the zeal and exhaust the patience of some who had once
been forward in their opposition to Britain. Congress be-
came apprehensive lest a disposition should prevail to ac-
cept of the terms proposed by the British government, and
the great body of the people be willing to resign the ad-
vantages of independence, in order to escape from present
calamity.

The bills were referred to a committee, which, after an
acute and severe examination, gave in a report well cal-
culated to counteract the effects which it was apprehended
the terms offered would produce on the minds of the timid
and wavering. They reported as their opinion that it was
the aim of those bills to create divisions in the States ; and
" that they were the sequel of that insidious plan, which,
from the days of the Stamp Att down to the present time,
hath involved this country in contention and bloodshed;
and that, as in other cases, so in this, although circum-
gtanceg may at times force them to recede from their un-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1179

justifiable claims, there can be no doubt but they will, as
heretofore, upon the first favorable occasion, again dis-
play that lust of domination which hath rent in twain the
mighty empire of Britain." They further reported it as
their opinion that any men or body of men who should
presume to make any separate or partial convention or
agreement with commissioners under the Crown of Great
Britain should be considered and treated as open and
avowed enemies of the United States. The committee
further gave it as their opinion that the United States
could not hold any conference with the British commis-
sioners unless Britain first withdrew her fleets and armies,
or in positive and express terms acknowledged the inde-
pendence of the States.

While these things were going on, Mr. Silas Deane
arrived from Paris with the important and gratifying in-
formation that treaties of alliance and commerce had been
concluded between France and the United States. This
intelligence diffused a lively joy throughout America and
was received by the people as the harbinger of their inde-
pendence. The alliance had been long expected, and the
delays thrown in the way of its accomplishment had ex-
cited many uneasy apprehensions. But these were now
dissipated, and, to the fond imaginations of the people, all
the prospects of the United States appeared gilded with
the cheering beams of prosperity.

Writing to the President of Congress on this occasion
(May 4, 1778), Washington says: "Last night at 11
o'clock I was honored with your dispatches of the 3d. The
contents afford me the most sensible pleasure. Mr. Silas
Deane had informed me by a line from Bethlehem that
he was the bearer of the articles of alliance between France
and the States. I shall defer celebrating this happy event
in a suitable manner until I have liberty from Congress to

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1180 WASHINGTON.

announce it publicly. I will only say that the army are
anxious to manifest their joy upon the occasion."

On the 7th of May the great event referred to in the
preceding extract was celebrated by the army at Valley
Forge with the highest enthusiasm. The following gen-
eral orders were issued by Washington on the day before :

" It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the universe
to defend the cause of the United American States, and
finally to raise us up a powerful friend among the princes
of the earth, to establish our liberty and independency
upon a lasting foundation, it becomes us to set apart a day
for gratefully acknowledging the Divine goodness and
celebrating the important event, which we owe to his Di-
vine interposition. The several brigades are to be assem-
bled for this purpose at 9 o'clock to-morrow morning,
when their chaplains will communicate the intelligence con-
tained in the postscript of the * Pennsylvania Gazette ' of
the 2d instant, and oflfer up thanksgiving and deliver a
discourse suitable to the occasion. At half after 10 o'clock
a cannon will be fired, which is to be a signal for the men
to be under arms ; the brigade inspectors will then inspect
their dress and arms and form the battalions according to
the instructions given them, and announce to the com-
manding officers of the brigade that the battalions are
formed.

"The commanders of brigades will then appoint the
field officers to the battalions, after which each battalion
will be ordered to load and ground their arms. At half-
past II a second cannon will be fired as a signal for the
march, upon which the several brigades will begin their
march by wheeling to the right by platoons and proceed
by the nearest way to the left of their ground by the new
position ; this will be pointed out by the brigade inspectors.
A third signal will then be given, on which there will be a

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UFE AND TIMES. 1181

discharge of thirteen cannon, after which a running fire
of the infantry will begin on the right of Woodford's and
continue throughout the front line; it will then be taken
upon the left of the second line and continue to the right.
Upon a signal given, the whole army will huzza, * Long
live the King of France !' The artillery then begins again
and fires thirteen rounds ; this will be succeeded by a sec-
ond general discharge of the musketry in a running fire,
and huzza, 'Long live the friendly European Powers!'
The last discharge of thirteen pieces of artillery will be
given, followed by a general running fire and huzza, *The
American States!'"

An officer who was present describes the scene as fol-
lows : " Last Wednesday was set apart as a day of general
rejoicing, when we had a feu de joie conducted with the
greatest order and regularity. The army made a most
brilliant appearance, after which his Excellency dined
in public, with all the officers of his army, attended
with a band of music. I never was present where
there was such unfeigned and perfect joy as was dis-
covered in every countenance. The entertainment was
concluded with a number of patriotic toasts, attended
with huzzas. When the General took his leave there was
a universal clap, with loud huzzas, which continued till he
had proceeded a quarter of a mile, during which time there
were a thousand hats tossed in the air. His Excellency
turned round with his retinue and huzzaed several times."

•Dr. Thacher, in his "Military Journal," mentions the
presence of "Washington's lady and suite, Lord Stirling
and the Countess of Stirling, with other general officers
and ladies," at this fete. Our readers, after passing with
us through the dismal scenes of the preceding winter, will
readily sympathize with the army in the feelings attending
this celebration. It is worthy of special notice that in his

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1182 WASHINGTON.

general order Washington was careful to give the religious
feature of the scene a prominent place by distinctly ac-
knowledging the Divine interposition in favor of the coun-
try. This was his invariable habit on all occasions. Re-
ligion with him was not merely an opinion, a creed, or a
sentiment. It was a deep-rooted, all-pervading feeling,
governing his life and imparting earnestness, dignity, and
power to all his actions. Hence the reverence and affec-
tion which was the voluntary homage of all who knew him.

Lord North's conciliatory bills, as we have seen, were
not acceptable to Congress. Washington's views in rela-
tion to them are given in the following letter, written to
a member of that body two days after he had learned the
terms proposed by the British government:

" Nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can
possibly do. A peace on other terms would, if I may be
allowed the expression, be a peace of war. The injuries
we have received from the British nation were so unpro-
voked, and have been so great and so many, that they can
never be forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the
animosities that would ever attend a union with them;
besides the importance, the advantages, which we should
derive from an unrestricted commerce, our fidelity as a
people, our gratitude, our character as men, are opposed
to a coalition with them but in case of the last extremity.
Were we easily to accede to terms of dependence, no na-
tion, upon future occasions, let the oppression of Britain
be ever so flagrant and unjust, would interpose for our
relief, or, at most, they would do it with a cautious reluct-
ance and upon conditions most probably that would be
hard, if not dishonorable, to us."

Congress fully agreed in these views and rejected the
advances of the British government, refusing all terms of
accommodation which did not begin with the withdrawal

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UFE AND TIMES. 1183

of the British fleets and armies and the acknowledgment
of American independence. At the same time the bills
were published, together with the action of Congress on
the subject, and dispersed throughout the country. This
decisive stand was taken before it was known that a treaty
had been concluded with France.

The British commissioners, Carlisle, Johnstone, and
Eden, charged with negotiating and reconciliation on the
basis of Lord North's bills, did not arrive until (June, 1778)
six weeks after drafts of the bills had been published by
Governor Tryon and rejected by Congress. On their ar-
rival at New York, Sir Henry Qinton, who had succeeded
Howe as Commander-in-Chief, requested a passport for
Dr. Ferguson, the secretary of the commissioners, to pro-
ceed to Yorktown and lay certain papers before Congress.
Washington, not deeming the matter within his province,
declined until he could have the instruction of Congress,
who sustained him in refusing the passport. The commis-
sioners, impatient of delay, sent on the papers through
the ordinary medium of a flag, addressed to the President
of Congress.

The commissioners offered in their letter to consent to
an immediate cessation of hostilities by sea and land; to
agree that no military force should be kept up in the
Colonies without the consent of Congress, and also both
to give up the right of taxation and to provide for a repre-
sentation in Parliament. They promised to sustain and
finally pay off the paper money then in circulation. Every
inducement short of the recognition of independence was
held out to lead the Colonists to return to their allegiance.
But if, when rel)dng upon their own strength alone, they
had refused to listen to such overtures, they were not likely
to do so now that they were assured of the support of
France. By order of Congress the President of that body

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1184 WASHINGTON.

wrote as follows to the commissioners : " I have received
the letter from your Excellencies, dated the 9th instant,
with the inclosures, and laid them before Congress. Noth-
ing but an earnest desire to spare the further effusion of
human blood could have induced them to read a paper
containing expressions so disrespectful to his Most Chris-
tian Majesty, the good and great ally of these States, or to
consider propositions so derogatory to the honor of an in-
dependent nation. The acts of the British Parliament, the
commission from your sovereign, and your letter suppose
the people of these States to be subjects of the Crown ol
Great Britain and are founded on the idea of dependence,
which is utterly inadmissible. I am further directed to
inform your Excellencies that Congress are inclined to
peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this
war originated, and the savage manner in which it hath
been conducted. They will, therefore, be ready to enter
upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce
not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the
King of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere dispo-
sition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this dis-
position will be an explicit acknowledgment of these States
or the withdrawing his fleets and armies.'*

The British commissioners remained several months in
the coxmtry* and made many and various attempts to ac-

*The commissioners published their final manifesto and proc-
lamation to the Americans on the 3d of October, and on the loth.
Congress issued a cautionary declaration in reply. No overtures
were made to the commissioners from any quarter, and not long
after they embarked for England. Thacher, in his "Military
Journal," states that " Governor Johnstone, one of the commis-
sioners, with inexcusable eflFrontery, offered a bribe to Mr. Reed,
a member of Congress. In an interview with Mrs. Ferguson at
Philadelphia, whose husband was a Royalist, he desired she would
mention to Mr. Reed, that if he would engage his interest to

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UFE AND TIMES. 1186

complish the objects of their mission, but without success.
They were compelled to return to England baffled and dis-
appointed. Thus the Americans, as an eloquent historian
suggests, steady in their resolutions, chose rather to trust
to their own fortune, which they had already proved, and
to the hope they placed in that of France, than to link
themselves anew to the tottering destiny of England;
abandoning all idea of peace, war became the sole object
of their solicitude. Such was the issue of the attempts to
effect an accommodation and thus were extinguished the
hopes which the negotiation had given birth to in Eng-
land. It was the misfortune of England to be governed
by ministers who were never willing to do justice until
they were compelled by main force. Their present con-
cessions, as on all previous occasions, came too late.

We have had frequent occasion to notice the embarrass-
ments and mortifications to which Washington was sub-
jected by the interference of Congress in those executive
matters which should have been left entirely under his own
control. This was particularly injurious to the public ser-
vice in their conduct with respect to the treatment and
exchange of prisoners. Much correspondence on this
subject took place between Washington and Howe during
the winter when the army was at Valley Forge, and when-
ever the generals were on the eve of arranging an ex-
change Congress would interfere and prevent it. Wash-
ington had been compelled, by his sense of justice and

promote the object of their commission, he might have any office
in the Colonies in the gift of his BritUnic majesty, and ten thou-
sand pounds in hand. Having solicited an interview with Mr.
Reed, Mrs. Ferguson made her communication. Spuming the
idea of being purchased, he replied that he was not worth purchas-
ing, but such as he was, the King of Great Britain was not rich
enough to do it"
75

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1186 WASHINGTON.

humanity, to censure Howe for his treatment of American
prisoners. An order hastily given out by the Board of
War exposed Washington himself, without any fault ol
his own, to a similar censure from Howe. The circum-
stances, as related by Marshall, were these :

"General Washington had consented that a quarter-
master, with a small escort, should come out of Phila-
delphia, with clothes and other comforts for the prisoners
who were in possession of the United States. He had
expressly stipulated for their security, and had g^ven them
a passport. While they were traveling through the
country, information was given to the Board of War that
General Howe had refused to permit provisions to be
sent in to the American prisoners in Philadelphia by
water. This information was not correct. General Howe
had only requested that flags should not be sent up or
down the river without previous permission obtained from
himself. On this information, however, the board ordered
Lieutenant-Colonel Smith immediately to seize the offi-
cers, though protected by the passport of Washington,
their horses, carriages, and the provisions destined for the
relief to the British prisoners, and to secure them until
further orders, either from the Board or from the Com-
mander-in-Chief.

" Washington, on hearing this circumstance, dispatched
one of his aids with orders for the immediate release of the
persons and property which had been confined; but the
officers refused to proceed on their journey, and returned
to Philadelphia.*

" This untoward event was much regretted by Washing-
ton. In a letter received some time afterwards, Howe,

♦They alleged that their horses had been disabled, and the
clothing embezzled.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1187

after expressing his willingness that the American prison-
ers should be visited by deputy commissaries, who should
inspect their situation and supply their wants, required,
as the condition on which this indulgence should be
granted, ' that a similar permit should be allowed to per-
sons appointed by him, which should be accompanied with
the assurance of General Washington, that his authority
will have sufficient weight to prevent any interruption to
their progress, and any insult to their persons/ This
demand was ascribed to the treatment to which officers
under the protection of his passport had already been
exposed.

*' Washington lamented the impedhnent to the exchange
of prisoners, which had hitherto appeared to be insuper-
able, and made repeated but ineflfectual efforts to remove
it. Howe had uniformly refused to proceed with any car-
tel unless his right to claim for all the diseased and infirm,
whom he had liberated, should be previously admitted.

"At length, after all hope of inducing him to recede from
that high ground had been abandoned, he suddenly relin-
quished it of his own accord, and acceded completely to
the proposition of Washington for the meeting of commis-
sioners, in order to settle equitably the number to which
he should be entitled for those he had disdharged in the
preceding winter. This point being adjusted, commis-
sioners were mutually appointed, who were to meet on the
loth of March (1778), at Germantown, to arrange the
details of a general cartel.

" Washington ha a entertained no doubt of his authority
to enter into this agreement. On the 4th of March, how-
ever, he had the mortification to perceive in a news-
paper a resolution of Congress, calling on the several
States for the amounts of supplies furnished the prisoners,
that they might be adjusted according to the rule of the

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1188 WASHINGTON.

loth of December, before the exchange should take
place.

" On seeing this embarrasing resc^ution, Washington
addressed a letter to Howe, informing him that particular
circumstances had rendered it inconvenient for the Ameri-
can commissioners to attend at the time appointed, and
requesting that their meeting should be deferred from the
loth to the 2 1 St of March. The interval was employed in
obtaining a repeal of the resolution.

" It would seem probable that the dispositions of Con-
gress, on the subject of an exchange, did not correspond
with those of Washington. From the fundamental prin-
ciple of the military establishment of the United States at
its commencement, an exchange of prisoners would neces-
sarily strengthen the British much more than the American
army. The war having been carried on by troops raised
for short times, aided by militia, the American prisoners,
when exchanged, returned to their homes as citizens,
while those of the enemy again took the field.

" Washington, who was governed by a policy more just,
and more permanently beneficial, addressed himself seri-
ously to Congress, urging as well the injury done the pub-
lic faith and his own personal honor, by this infraction of
a solemn engagement, as the cruelty and impolicy of a
system which must cut off forever all hopes of an ex-
change, and render imprisonment as lasting as the war.
He represented in strong terms the effect such a measure
must have on the troops on whom they should thereafter
be compelled chiefly to rely, and its impression on the
friends of those already in captivity. These remonstrances
produced the desired effect, and the resolutions were
repealed. The commissioners met according to the sec-
ond appointment; but, on examining their powers, it ap-
peared that those given by Washington were expressed to

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UFE AND TIMES. 1189

be in virtue of the authority vested in him, while those
given by Howe contained no such declaration. This omis-
sion produced an objection on the part of Congress; but
Howe refused to change the language, alleging that he
designed the treaty to ,be of a personal nature, founded
on the mutual confidence and honor of the contracting
generals, and had no intention either to bind his govern-
ment or to extend the cartel beyond the limits and dura-
tion of his own command.

" This explanation being unsatisfactory to the American
commissioners, and Howe persisting in his refusal to make
the required alteration in his powers, the negotiation was
broken off, and this fair prospect of terminating the dis-
tresses of the prisoners on both sides passed away without
effecting the good it had promised.

" Some time after the failure of this negotiation for a
general cartel, Howe proposed that all prisoners actually
exchangeable should be sent into the nearest posts, and
returns made of officer for officer of equal rank, and soldier
for soldier, as far as numbers would admit ; and that if a
surplus of officers should remain, they should be ex-
changed for an equivalent in privates.

" On the representations of Washington, Congress ac-
ceded to this proposition so far as related to the exchange
of officer for officer and soldier for soldier, but rejected the
part which admitted an equivalent in privates for a sur-
plus of officers, because the officers captured with Bur-
goynt were exchangeable within the powers of Howe.
Under this agreement an exchange took place to a con-
siderable extent; but as the Americans had lost more
prisoners than they had taken, unless the army of Bur-
gone should be brought into computation, many of their
troops were still detained in captivity."

The British army held possession of Philadelphia during

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1190 WASHINGTON.

the winter and the following spring; but they were
watched and checked during the whole time by the Ameri-
cans. They were not quite so closely besieged as in Boston,
but they were quite as eflfectually prevented from accom-
plishing any military purpose. They sent out occasional
foraging parties, who were fiercely attacked by Washing-
ton's detachments, and almost always purchased their sup-
plies with blood. But Howe never made an attack on
Washington's camp. Doctor Franklin, when he heard in
Paris that General Howe had taken Philadelphia, cor-
rected his informant very justly. " Say, rather," said the
acute philosopher, ''that Philadelphia has taken General
Howe." The capture of Philadelphia, as we have already
taken occasion to remark, was perfectly useless — in fact,
worse than useless — to the British arms. It only pro-
vided winter quarters to an army which would have been
more comfortable and secure in New York; and it held
them beleaguered at a remote point when their services
were greatly needed to aid Burgoyne and save his army
from capture. In point of fact, Philadelphia did take
Howe ; and Washington kept him out of the way and fully
employed until Burgoyne had fallen, and by his fall had
paved the way to the French alliance and to the ruin of the
British cause in America.

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CHAPTER XIV.

MONnOUTH.

1778.

FOR prosecuting the campaign of 1778 Washington
had not been provided with an adequate force. The
committee of Congress who visited the army at
Valley Forge had agreed that the army should consist
of about 40,000 men, besides artillery and horse. In May
(1778) the army, including the detachments at different
places, was found to amount only to 15,000, with little
prospect of increase. At Valley Forge Washington had
11,800. The British army at this time numbered 33,000.
With such odds the plan of operations for this season
must necessarily be defensive.

From the position which Washington had taken at Val-
ley Forge, and from the activity and vigilance of his patrols,
the British army in Philadelphia was straitened for forage
and fresh provisions. A considerable number of the people
of Pennsylvania were well affected to the British cause and
desirous of supplying the troops, while many more were
willing to carry victuals to Philadelphia, where they found
a ready market and payment in gold or silver, whereas
the army at Valley Forge could pay only in paper money
of uncertain value. But it was not easy to reach Phila-
delphia nor safe to attempt it, for the American parties
oft^i intercepted and took the provisions without pay-
ment and not unfrequently chastised those engaged. The

(1191)

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1192 WASHINGTON.

first operations on the part of the British, therefore, in
the campaign of 1778, were undertaken in order to pro-
cure supplies for the army. About the middle of March
a strong detachment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Mawhood,
made a foraging excursion for six or seven days into Jer-
sey, surprised and defeated the American parties at Han-
cock's and Quinton's bridges on Always creek, which falls
into the Delaware to the south of Reedy Island, killed or
took fifty or sixty of the militia prisoners, and after a suc-
cessful expedition returned to Philadelphia with little loss.

A corps of Pennsylvania militia, daily varying in num-
ber, sometimes not exceeding fifty, sometimes amounting
to 600, under General Lacey, had taken post at a place
called Crooked Billet, about seventeen miles from Phila-
delphia on the road to New York, for the purpose of in-
tercepting the country people who attempted to carry pro-
visions to the British army. Early on the morning of the
4th of May, Colonel Abercrombie and Major Simcoe, with
a strong detachment, attempted to surprise this party,
but Lacey escaped with little loss, except his baggage,
which fell into the hands of the enemy.

On the 7th of May the British undertook an expedition
against the galleys and other shipping which had escaped
up the Delaware after the reduction of Mud Island, and
destroyed upward of forty vessels and some stores and pro-
visions. The undisputed superiority of the British naval
force and the consequent command of the Delaware gave
them great facilities in directing a suitable armament
against any particular point, and the movements of the
militia, on whom Congress chiefly depended for repelling
sudden predatory incursions and for guarding the roads to
Philadelphia, were often tardy and inefficient. The roads
were ill guarded, and the British frequently accomplished

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UFE AND TIMES. 1193

their foraging and returned to camp before an adequate
force could be assembled to oppose them.

To remedy these evils — to annoy the rear of the British
troops in case they evacuated Philadelphia, which it was
now suspected they intended to do, and also to form an
advanced guard of the main army — Lafayette, with up-
ward of 2,000 chosen men and six pieces of artillery, was
ordered to the east of the Schuylkill, and took post on
Barren Hill, seven or eight miles in advance of the army
at Valley Forge. Sir William Howe immediately got no-
tice of his position and formed a plan to surprise and cut
him off. For that purpose a detachment of 5,000 of the
best troops of the British army, under General Grant,
marched from Philadelphia on the night of the 20th of
May and took the road which runs along the Delaware and
consequently does not lead directly to Barren Hill. But after
advancing a few miles the detachment turned to the left,
and proceeding by White Marsh passed at no great dis-
tance from Lafayette's left flank and about sunrise reached
a point in his rear where two roads diverged, one leading
to the camp of the marquis, the other to Matson's ford,
each about a mile distant. There General Grant's detach-
ment was first observed by the Americans, and the British
perceived by the rapid movements of some hostile horse-
men that they were seen. Both Lafayette's camp and the
road leading from it to Matson's ford were concealed from
the British troops by intervening woods and high grounds.
General Grant spent some time in making dispositions for
the intended attack. That interval was actively improved
by Lafayette, who, although not apprised of the full extent
of his danger, acted with promptitude and decision. He
marched rapidly to Matson's ford, from which he was some-
what more distant than the British detachment, and reached
it while General Grant was advancing against Barren Hill

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1194 WASHINGTON.

in the belief that Laiayette was still there. The Americans
hurried through the ford leaving their artillery behind, but
on discovering they were not closely pursued some of them
returned and dragged the field pieces across the river;
a small party was also sent into the woods to retard the
progress of the British advanced g^uard, if it should ap-
proach while the artillery was in the ford.

On finding the camp at Barren Hill deserted General
Grant immediately pursued in the track of the retreating
enemy toward Matson's ford. His advanced guard over-
took some of the small American party, which had been
sent back to cover the passage of the artillery, before they
could recross the river and took or killed a few of them,
but on reaching the ford General Grant found Lafayette
so advantageously posted on the rising ground on the op-
posite bank and his artillery so judiciously placed that it
was deemed unadvisable to attack him. Thus the attempt
against Lafayette failed, although the plan was well con-
certed and on the very point of success. In the British
army sanguine expectations of the favorable issue of the
enterprise were entertained, and in order to insure a happy
result a large detachment, under General Grey, in the
course of the night took post at a ford of the Schuylkill,
two or three miles in front of Lafayette's right flank, to
intercept him if he should attempt to escape in that di-
rection, while the main body of the army advanced to
Chestnut Hill to support the attack, but on the failure of
the enterpise the whole returned to Philadelphia.

General Grant's detachment was seen by Washington
from the camp at Valley Forge about the time it was dis-
covered by the troops at Barren Hill, alarm guns were
fired by his order to warn Lafayette of his danger, and the
whole army was drawn out to be in readiness to act as
circumstances might require. The escape of the detach-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1195

ment was the cause of much joy and congraflulation in
the American and of disappointment and chagrin in the
British army.

That a strong detachment of hostile troops should pass
at a small distance from Lafayette's flank and gain his
rear unobserved seems to argue a want of due vigilance
on the part of that officer, but a detachment of the Penn-
sylvania militia had been posted at a little distance on his
left and he relied on them for watching the roads in that
quarter. The militia, however, had quitted their station
without informing him of their movement, and conse-
quently his left flank and the roads about White Marsh
remained unguarded.

This was the last enterprise attempted by Sir William
Howe. Soon after he resigned the command of the army.
So far back as the month of October in the preceding
year he had requested to be relieved from the painful ser-
vice in which he was engaged. On the 14th of April, 1778,
he received the King's permission to resign, but at the
same time he was directed, while he continued in command,
to embrace every opportunity of putting an end to the war
by a due employment of the force under his orders. In
the beginning of June after having received, in a triumphal
procession and festival, a testimony of the approbation and
esteem of the army he sailed for England, leaving the
troops under the care of Sir Henry Qinton as his suc-
cessor.

Sir William Howe has been much blamed for inactivity
and for not overwhelming the Americans, but he was at
least as successful as any other general employed in the
course of the war. He was cautious and sparing of the
lives of his men. In his operations he discovered a re-
spectable share of military science, and he met with no
great reverses. They who blame him for want of energy

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1196 WASHINGTON.

may look to the history of Generals Burgoyne and Corn-
wallis for the fate of more enterprising leaders in America.

About the time when Howe resigned the command of
the army the British government ordered the evacuation
of Philadelphia. While the British had an undisputed
naval superiority Philadelphia was in some respects a good
military station. Although in all the States a decided ma-
jority of the people gave their support to Congress, yet
in every province south of New England there was a con-
siderable minority friendly to the claims of the mother
country. The occupation of Philadelphia, the principal
city of the confederation, encouraged the latter class of
the inhabitants, and the army there formed a point round
which they might rally. But Philadelphia is more than
100 miles up the Delaware, and as Howe had been unable
to drive Washington from the field he had found some diffi-
culty in subsisting his army in that city, even when the
British ships had the full command of the sea and could
force their way up the great rivers; but when the empire
of the ocean was about to be disputed by the French
Philadelphia became a hazardous post on account of the
difficulty and uncertainty of procuring provisions, receiv-
ing communications, or sending aid to such places as might
be attacked. It was accordingly resolved to abandon that
city, and after shipping his cavalry, formed of the German
troops and American Loyalists, his provision train and
heavy baggage, on the few vessels that were in the river,
Qinton had to march the remainder of his army through
the Jerseys to New York, where the communication with
the ocean is more easy.

The preparations for this movement could not be so
secretly made as to escape the notice of the Americans,
and to be in readiness for it was cme reason of detaching
Lafayette to Barren Hill, where he had been exposed to

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1197

so much danger. Washington called in his detachments
and pressed the State governments to hasten the march
of their new levies in order that he might be enabled to
act offensively; but the new levies arrived slowly, and in
some instances the State Legislatures were deliberating
on the means of raising them at the time when they should
have been in the field.

Although Washington was satisfied of the intention of
the British Commander-in-Chief to evacuate Philadelphia
yet it was uncertain in what way he would accomplish
his purpose, but the opinion that he intended to march
through the Jerseys to New York gained ground in the
American camp; and in this persuasion Washington de-
tached General Maxwell with the Jersey brigade across
the Delaware to co-operate with General Dickinson, who
was assembling the Jersey militia, in breaking down the
bridges, felling trees across the roads, and impeding and
harassing the British troops in their retreat, but with or-
ders to be on his guard against a sudden attack.

Washington summoned a council of war to deliberate
on the measures to be pursued in that emergency. It
was unanimously resolved not to molest the British army
in passing the Delaware, but with respect to subsequent
operations there was much difference of opinion in the
council. General Lee, who had lately joined the army after
his exchange, was decidely against risking either a general
or partial engagement The British army he estimated at
10,000 men fit for duty, exclusive of officers, while the
American army did not amount to more than 11,800; he
was, therefore, of opinion that with so near an equality of
force it would be criminal to hazard a battle. He relied much
on the imposing attitude in which their late foreign alliance
placed them, and maintained that nothing but a defeat of
the army could now endanger their independence. Al-

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1198 WASHINGTON.

most all the foreign officers agreed in opinion with Gen-
eral Lee, and among the American generals only Wayne
and Cadwalader were decidedly in favor of attacking the
enemy. Under these circumstances Washington, although
strongly inclined to fight, found himself constrained to act
with much circumspection.

Having made all the requisite preparations Sir Henry
Qinton, early in the morning of the i8th of June (1778),
led the British army to the confluence of the Delaware
and Schuylkill, where boats and other vessels were ready
to receive them, and so judicious were the arrangements
made by Admiral Lord Howe that all the troops, with
the baggage and artillery, were carried across the Dela-
ware and safely landed on the Jersey side of the river be-
fore 10 in the forenoon. Many of the Loyalists of Philadel-
phia accompanied the army, carrying their effects along
with them, and such of tliem as ventured to remain behind
met with little indulgence from their irritated countrymen.
Several of them were tried for their lives and two Quakers
were executed. The Americans entered the city before the
British rear guard had entirely left it.

There were two roads leading from Philadelphia to
New York — the one running along the western bank of
the Delaware to Trenton Ferry, and the other along the
eastern bank to the same point. The British army had
wisely crossed the river at the point where it was least
exposed to molestation and entered on the last of these
two roads. In marching through a difficult and hostile
country Sir Henry Qinton prudently carried along with
him a considerable quantity of baggage and a large sup-
ply of provisions, so that the progress of the army, thus
heavily incumbered, was but slow. It proceeded leisurely
through Huddersfield, Mount Holly, and Crosswick, and
reached AUentown on the 24th (June, 1778), having in

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UFE AND TIMES, 1199

seven days marched less than forty miles. This slow prog-
ress made the Americans believe that Sir Henry Clinton
wished to be attacked. General Maxwell, who was posted
at Mount Holly, retired on his approach, and neither he
nor General Dickinson was able to give him much molesta-
tion.

As the march of the British army till it passed Cross-
wick was up the Delaware, and only at a small distance
from that river, Washington, who left Valley Forge on
the day that Sir Henry Qinton evacuated Philadelphia,
found it necessary to take a circuitous route and pass the
river higher up at Coryell's Ferry, where he crossed it on
the 22d and took post at Hopewell on the high grounds
in that vicinity, and remained during the 23d in that
position.

From Allentown there were two roads to New York —
one on the left, passing through South Amboy to the
North river; the other on the right, leading to Sandy
Hook. The first of these was somewhat shorter but the
river Raritan lay in the way and it might be difficult and
dangerous to pass it in presence of a hostile force. Sir
Henry Clinton, therefore, resolved to take the road to
Sandy Hook by which the Raritan would be altogether
avoided.

Although a great majority in the American council of
war were averse to fighting, yet Washington was strongly
incHned to attack the British army. He summoned the
council of war a second time and again submitted the sub-
ject to their consideration, but they adhered to their
former opinion, and Washington, still inclined to attack
the enemy, determined to act on his own responsibility.

The Jersey militia and a brigade of Continentals, under
Generals Dickinson and Maxwell, hovered on the left
fiank of the British army*. General Cadwalader, with a

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1200 WASHINGTON.

Continental regiment and a few militia was in its rear, and
Colonel Morgan, with his rifle regiment 600 strong, was
on its right. These detachments were ordered to harass
the enemy as much as possible.

As Sir Henry Clinton proceeded on the route toward
Sandy Hook Washington strengthened his advanced
guard till it amotmted to 5,000 men. General Lee, from
his rank, had a claim to the command of that force, but
at first he declined it and Lafayette was appointed to that
service. But General Lee perceiving the importance of
the command solicited the appointment which he had at
first declined, and was accordingly sent forward with a
reinforcement, when, from seniority, the whole of the ad-
vanced guard became subject to his orders.

On the evening of the 27th (June, 1778) Sir Henry
Clinton took a strong position on the high groimds about
Freehold Court House, in the county of Monmouth. His
right was posted in a small wood; his left was covered by
a thick forest and a morass; he had a wood in front, also
a marsh for a considerable space toward his left, and he
was within twelve miles of the high grounds at Middle-
town, after reaching which no attempt could be made
upon him with any prospect of success. His position was
unassailable, but Washington resolved to attack his rear
in the morning, as soon as it descended from the high
grounds into the plain beyond them and gave orders ac-
cordingly to Lee, who was at Englishtown, three miles
in the rear of the British army and as much in advance
of the main body of the Americans.

By the strong parties on his flanks and rear Clinton
was convinced that the hostile army was at hand, and sus-
pecting that an attempt on his baggage was intended on
the morning of the 28th he changed his order of march
and put all the baggage under the care of General Knyp-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1201

hausen, who commanded the van division of his army, in
order that the rear division, consisting of the flower of
the troops under Cornwallis, might be unincumbered and
ready to act as circumstances might require. Clinton re-
mained with the rear division.

To avoid pressing on Knypliausen Cornwallis remained
on his ground until about 8, and then descending from the
heights of Freehold into an extensive plain took up his
line of march in rear of the front division.

General Lee had made dispositions for executing orders
given the preceding evening, and repeated in the morning,
and soon after the British rear had moved from its ground
prepared to attack it. General Dickinson had been di-
rected to detach some of his best troops, to take such a
position as to co-operate with him, and Morgan, with his
riflemen, was ordered to act on the right flank.

Lee appeared on the heights of Freehold soon after
Cornwallis had left them, and following the British Into
the plain ordered General Wayne to attack the rear of
their covering party with sufficient vigor to check it, but
not to press it so closely as either to force it up to the
main body or to draw reinforcements to its aid. In the
meantime he intended to gain the front of this party by a
shorter road, and, intercepting its communication with the
line, to bear it off before it could be assisted. While in
the execution of this design an officer in the suite of Wash-
ington came up to gain intelligence and Lee communicated
to him his present object. Before he reached the point of
destination, however, there was reason to believe that the
British rear was much stronger than had been conjectured.
The intelligence on this subject being contradictory, and
the face of the country well calculated to conceal the
truth, he deemed it advisable to ascertain the fact himself.

Sir Henry Qinton, soon after the rear division was in
76

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1202 WASHINGTON,

full inarch, received intelligence that an American column
had appeared on his left flank. This, being a corps of
militia, was soon dispersed and the march was continued.
When his rear guard had descended from the heights he
saw it followed by a strong corps, soon after which a can-
nonade was commenced upon it, and at the same time a
respectable force showed itself on each of his flanks. Sus-
pecting a design on his baggage he determined to attack
the troops in his rear so vigorously as to compel a recall
of those on his flanks, and for this purpose marched back
his whole rear division. This movement was in progress
as Lee advanced fcM* the purpose of reconnoitering. He
soon perceived his mistake respecting the force of the
British rear, but still determined to engage on that ground
although his judgment disapproved the measure — there
being a morass immediately in his rear, which would
necessarily impede the reinforcements which might be ad-
vancing to his aid and embarrass his retreat should he
be finally overpowered. This was about lo. While both
armies were preparing for action General Scott (as stated
by General Lee) mistook an oblique march of an Ameri-
can column for a retreat, and in the apprehension of being
abandoned left his position and repassed the ravine in his
rear.

Being himself of opinion that the ground was unfavor-
able Lee did not correct the error he ascribed to Scott
but ordered the whole detachment to regain the heights.
He was closely pressed and some slight skirmishing ensued
without much loss on either side.

As soon as the firing announced the commencement of
the action the rear division of the army advanced rapidly
to the support of the front. As they approached the scene
of action, Washington, who had received no intelligence
from V Lee giving notice of his retreat, rode forward, and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1203

to his utter astonishment and mortification met the ad-
vanced corps retiring before the enemy without having
made a single effort to maintain its ground. The troops
he first saw neither understood the motives which had
governed Lee nor his present design, and could give no'
other information than that by his orders they had fled
without fighting.

Washington rode to the rear of the division where he
met Lee, to whom he spoke in terms of some warmth, im-
plying disapprobation of his conduct*

♦This interview between Washington and Lee was followed by
such important results that one is naturally curious to know ex-
actly what passed between them. The interview is described by
Lee himself in his defense before the court-martial:

" When I arrived first in his presence, conscious of having done
nothing which could draw on me the least censure, but rather-
flattering myself with his cong^ratulation and applause, I confess I
was disconcerted, astonished, and confounded by the words and
manner in which his Excellency accosted me. It was so novel
and unexpected from a man, whose discretion, humanity, and de-
corum I had from the first of our acquaintance stood in admiration
of, that I was for some time unable to make any coherent answer
to questions so abrupt, and in a g^'eat measure to me unintelligible.
The terms, I think, were these: 'I desire to know, sir, what is
the reason, whence arises this disorder and confusion?* The
manner in which he expressed them was much stronger and more
severe than the expressions themselves. When I recovered my-
self sufficiently, I answered that I saw or knew of no confusion
but what naturally arose from disobedience of orders, contradictory
intelligence, and the impertinence and presumption of individuals,
who were invested with no authority, intruding themselves in mat-
ters above them and out of their sphere; that the retreat in the
first instance was contrary to my intentions, contrary to my orders,
and contrary to my wishes."

Washington replied that all this might be true, but that he ought
not to have undertaken the enterprise unless he intended to go
through with it He then rode away, and ordered some of the

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1204 WASHINGTON.

Orders were immediately given to Colonel Stewart and
Lieutenant-Colonel Ramsay to form their regiments for
the purpose of checking the pursuit, and Lee was directed
to take proper measures with the residue of his force to
stop the British column on that ground. Washingfton
then rode back to arrange the rear division of the army.

These orders were executed with firmness, and, when
forced from his ground, Lee brought off his troops in
good order, and was directed to form in the rear of
Englishtown.

retreating regiments to be formed on the ground which he pointed
out

Gordon says that, after the first meeting with Lee, Washington
rode on towards the rear of the retreating troops. He had not
gone many yards before he met his secretary, who told him that
the British army were within fifteen minutes' march of that place,
which was the first intelligence he received of their pushing on so
briskly. He remained there till the extreme rear of the retreating
troops got up, when, looking about, and judging the g^'ound to
be an advantageous spot for giving the enemy the first check, he
ordered Colonel Stewart's and Lieutenant-Colonel Ramsey's bat-
talions to form and incline to their left, that they might be under
cover of a comer of woods, and not be exposed to the enemy's
cannon in front. Lee having been told by one of his aids that
Washington had taken the command, answered, " Then I have
nothing further to do," and turned his horse and rode after his
Excellency in front Washington, on his coming up, asked, " Will
you command on this g^'ound or not? If you will, I will return
to the main body and have them formed upon the next height."
Lee replied, " It is equal with me where I command." Washing-
ton then told him, " I expect you will take proper measures for
checking the enemy," Lee said, " Your orders shall be obeyed, and
I will not be the first to leave the field." Washington then rode
to the main army, which was formed with the utmost expedition
on the eminence, with the morass in front. Immediately upon
his riding oflF, a warm cannonade commenced between the British
and American artillery on the right of Stewart and Ramsay, be-
tween whom and the advanced troops of the British army a heavy

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UFE AND TIMES. 1205

This check afforded time to draw up the left wing and
second line of the American army on an eminence cov-
ered by a morass in front. Lord Stirling, who commanded
the left wing, brought up a detachment of artillery under
Lieutenant-Colonel Carring^on, and some field pieces,
which played with considerable effect on a division of the
British which had passed the morass, and was pressing
on to the charge. These pieces, with the aid of several
parties of infantry, effectually stopped the advance of the
enemy.

Finding themselves warmly opposed in front, the British
attempted to turn the left flank of the American army, but
were repulsed. They then attempted the right with as

fire began soon after in the skirt of the woods before mentioned.
The British pressed on close; their light horse charged upon the
right of the Americans, and the latter were obliged to give way
in such haste, that the British horse and infantry came out of the
wood seemingly mixed with them.

The action then commenced between the British and Colonel
Livingston's regiment, together with Varnum's brigade, which
had been drawn up by Lee's order, and lined the fence that
stretched across the open field in front of the bridge over the
morass, with the view of covering the retreat of the artillery and
the troops advanced with them. The artillery had timely retired
to the rear of the fence, and from an eminence discharged several
rounds of shot at the British engaged with Livingston's and
Vamum's troops; these were soon broken by a charge of the
former, and retired. The artillery were then ordered off. Prior
to the commencement of the last action, Lee sent orders to
Colonel Ogden, who had drawn up in the wood nearest the bridge
to defend that post to the last extremity, thereby to cover the
retreat of the whole over the bridge. Lee was one of the last that
remained on the field, and brought off the rear of the retreating
troops. Upon his addressing Greneral Washington, after passing
the morass, with, " Sir, here are my troops, how is it your pleasure
that I should dispose of them ? " he was ordered to arrange them
in the rear of Englishtown.

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ItM WASHINGTON.

little success. General Greene had advanced a body of
troops with artillery to a comnianding piece of ground in
his front, which not only disappointed the design of turn-
ing the right, but enfiladed the party which yet remained
in front of the left wing.

At this moment General Wayne was advanced with a
body of infantry to engage them in front, who kept up so
hot and well-directed a fire that they soon withdrew behind
the ravine to the ground on which the action had com-
menced immediately after the arrival of Washington.

Lafayette, speaking erf this battle, said : " Never was
General Washington greater in war than in this action.
His presence stopped the retreat. His dispositions fixed
the victory. His fine appearance on horseback, his calm
courage roused by the animation produced by the vexa-
tion of the morning, gave him the air best calculated to
excite enthusiasm."

The position now taken by the British army was very
strong. Both flanks were secured by thick woods and
morasses, and their front was accessible only through a
narrow pass. The day had been intensely hot, and the
troops were much fatigued. Notwithstanding these cir-
cumstances, Washington resolved to renew the engage-
ment. For this purpose he ordered Brigadier-General
Poor, with his own and the North Carolina brigade, to
gain their right flank, while Woodford with his brigade
should turn their left. At the same time the artillery was
ordered to advance and play on their front. These orders
were obeyed with alacrity, but the impediments on the
flanks of the British were so considerable, that before they
could be overcome it was nearly dark. Further opera-
tions were therefore deferred until next morning; and the
brigades which had been detached to the flanks of the
British army continued on their ground through the

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night, and the other troops lay on the field o! battle with
their arms in their hands. Washington passed the night
in his cloak in the midst o! his soldiers.

The British employed the early part of the morning in
removing their wounded, and about midnight marched
away in such silence that their retreat was not perceived
until day.

As it was certain that they must gain the high grounds
about Middletown before they could be overtaken, as the
face of the cotmtry afforded no prospect of opposing their
embarkation, and as the battle already fought had termi-
nated in a manner to make a general impression favorable
to the American arms, Washingcon decided' to relinquish
the pursuit. Leaving a detachment to hover about the
British rear, the main body of the army moved towards
the Hudson.

Washington was highly gratified with the conduct of
his troops in this action. Their behavior, he said, after re-
covering from the first surprise occasioned by the unex-
pected retreat of the advanced corps, could not be sur-
passed. Wayne he particularly mentioned, and spoke of
the artillery in terms of high praise.

The loss of the Americans in the battle of Monmouth
was 8 officers and 6i privates killed, and about i6o
wounded. Among the slain were Lieutenant-Colonel Bon-
ner, of Pennsylvania, and Major Dickinson, of Virginia,
both of whom were much regretted. One hundred and
thirty were missing, but a considerable number of these
afterward rejoined their regiments.

In his official letter, Sir Henry Qinton states his dead
and missing at 4 officers and 184 privates ; his wounded, at
16 officers and 154 privates. This account, so far as it
respects the dead, cannot be correct, as 4 officers and 245
privates were buried on the field by persons appointed for

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1208 WASHINGTON,

the purpose, who made their report to Washington; and
some few were afterward found, so as to increase the
number to nearly 300. The uncommon heat of the day
proved fatal to several on both sides.

As usual, when a battle has not been decisive, both
parties claimed the victory. In the early part of the day
the advantage was certainly with the British ; in the latter
part it may be pronounced with equal certainty to have
been with the Americans. They maintained their ground,
repulsed the enemy, were prevented only by the night
and by the retreat of the hostile army from renewing the
action, and suffered less in killed and wounded than their
adversaries.

It is true that Sir Henry Qinton effected what he states
to have been his principal object — the safety of his bag-
gage. But when it is recollected that the American offi-
cers had decided against hazarding an action, that this
advice must have trammelled the conduct and circum-
scribed the views of Washington, he will be admitted to
have effected no inconsiderable object in giving the
American arms that appearance of superiority which was
certainly acquired by this engagement

Independent of the loss sustained in the action, the
British army was considerably weakened in its march
from Philadelphia to New York. About 100 prisoners
were made, and near 1,000 soldiers, chiefly foreigners, de-
serted while passing through Jersey. Many of the soldiers
had formed attachments in Philadelphia, which occasioned
their desertion. Qinton's whole loss, including killed,
wounded, prisoners, and deserters, amounted to at least
2,000 men.

The conduct of Lee was generally disapproved. As,
however, he had possessed a large share of the confi-
dence and good opinion of the Commander-in-Chief, it

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UFE AND TIMES, 1209

is probable that explanations might have been made
which would have rescued him from the imputations that
were cast on him, and have restored him to the esteem
of the army, could his haughty temper have brooked the
indignity he believed to have been offered him on the
field of battle. Washington had taken no measures in con-
sequence of the events of that day, and would probably
have come to no resolution concerning them without an
amicable explanation, when he received from Lee a letter
expressed in very unbecoming terms, in which he, in the
tone of a superior, required reparation for the injury sus-
tained " from the very singular expressions " said to have
been used on the day of the action by Washington.

This letter was answered (July 30, 1778) by an assur-
ance that, so soon as circumstances would admit of an
inquiry, he should have an opportunity of justifying him-
self to the army, to America, and to the world in general ;
or of convincing them that he had been guilty of dis-
obedience of orders and misbehavior before the enemy.
On his expressing a wish for a speedy investigation of his
conduct, and for a court-martial rather than a court of
inquiry, he was arrested — first, for disobedience of orders
in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of Jtme, agreeably
to repeated instructions ; secondly, for misbehavior before
the enemy on the same day, in making an unnecessary,
disorderly, and shameful retreat; and thirdly, for dis-
respect to the Commander-in-Chief in two letters.

Before this correspondence had taken place, strong and
specific charges of misconduct had been made against
General Lee by several officers of his detachment, and
particularly by Generals Wayne and Scott. In these, the
transactions of the day, not being well understood, were
represented in colors much more unfavorable to Lee than
facts, when properly explained, would seem to justify.

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1210 WASHINGTON.

These representations, most probably, induced the strong
language of the second article in the charge. A court-
martial, over which Lord Stirling presided, after a tedious
investigsition, found him guilty of all the charges exhibited
against him, and sentenced him to be suspended for one
year. This sentence was afterward, though with some
hesitation, approved almost unanimously by Congress.
The court, softened in some degree the severity of the
second charge, by finding him guilty, not in its very words,
but "of misbehavior before the enemy, by making an
unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a disorderly
retreat."

Lee defended himself with his accustomed ability. He
proved that, after the retreat had commenced, in conse-
quence of General Scott's repassing the ravine, on the
approach of the enemy, he had designed to form on the
first advantageous piece of ground he could find ; and that
in his own opinion, and in the opinion of some other offi-
cers, no safe and advantageous position had presented itself
until he met Washington, at which time it was his inten-
tion to fight the enemy on the very ground afterwards
taken by Washington himself. He suggested a variety of
reasons in justification of his retreat, which, if they do not
absolutely establish its propriety, give it so questionable a
form as to render it probable that a public examination
never would have taken place, could his proud spirit have
stooped to offer explanation instead of outrage to the
Commander-in-Chief.

His suspension gave general satisfaction through the
army. Without judging harshly of his conduct as a mili-
tary man, they perfectly understood the insult offered to
their general by his letters; and, whether rightly or not,
believed his object to have been to disgrace Washingfton
and to obtain the supreme command for himself. So de-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1211

votedly were all ranks attached to their general, that the
mere suspicion of such a design would have rendered his
continuance in the army extremely difficult.

Whatever judgment may be formed on the propriety
of his retreat, it is not easy to justify either the omission
to keep the Commander-in-Chief continually informed of
his situation and intentions, or the very rude letters writ-
ten after the action was over.

The battle of Monmouth gave great satisfaction to
Congress. A resolution was passed unanimously, thank-
ing Washington for the activity with which he marched
from the camp at Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy;
for his distinguished exertions in forming the line of
battle, and for his g^eat good conduct in the action ; and
he was requested to signify the thanks of Congress to the
officers and men under his command who distinguished
themselves by their conduct and valor in the battle.

After the battle of Monmouth, Washington gave his
army one day's repose, and then (June 30, 1778,) com-
menced his march toward Brunswick, at which place he
encamped, and remained for several days. Thence he sent
out parties to reconnoitre the enemy's position, and learn
his intentions. Among other persons sent out with this
design was Aaron Burr, a lieutenant-colonel, who had
served in Arnold's expedition to Quebec, and who was
destined to become a conspicuous person in American
history.

Qinton had arrived with his army in the neighborhood
of Sandy Hook on the 30th of June. Here he was met
by Lord Howe with the fleet, which had just arrived from
Philadelphia. Sandy Hook having been converted by the
winter storms from a peninsula to an island, Lord Howe
caused a bridge of boats to be constructed, over which
Clinton's army passed from the mainland to the Hook. It

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1212 WASHINGTON.

was soon afterward xEstributed into different encamp-
ments on Staten Island, Long Island, and the island of
New York.

When Washington had learned that the British army
was thus situated, he was satisfied that Ointon had no
present intention of passing up the Hudson, and he halted
a few days at Paramus, at which place he received intel-
ligence of an important event which will claim our atten-
tion in the next chapter.

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CHAPTER XV.
WASHINGTON DIRECTS A DESCENT ON RHODE ISLAND.

1778.

PREVIOUS to evacuating PhUadelphia, Ointon had
received notice from his government that, in con-
sequence of the alliance between France and the
United States, a new plan of operations had been deter-
mined on. The French were to be attacked in their West
Indian possessions by way of diversion from the main
scene of action. Five thousand men were detached from
his army to aid in the execution of this purpose, and 3,000
were sent to Florida. Qinton was also apprised that a
French fleet would probably appear in the Delaware and
thus prevent any possibility of his leaving Philadelphia by
water. Hence his sudden departure from Philadelphia
with the remainder of his forces. He was only just in
time to save his army and Lord Howe's fleet.

On the sth of July (1778), the day on which the British
army arrived at New York, the Count D'Estaing, with a
French fleet, appeared on the coast of Virginia.

In the month of March the French ambassador in Lon-
don, by order of his government, notified to the British
court the treaties entered into between France and Amer-
ica. In a few days afterward he quitted London without
the ceremony of taking leave, and about the same time
the British ambassador left Paris in a similar manner.
This was considered equivalent to a declaration of war,

(1213)

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1214 WASHINGTON.

and although war was not actually declared, yet both par-
ties diligently prepared for hostilities.

The French equipped at Toulon a fleet of twelve sail
of the line and six frigates, and gave the command to
Count D'Estaing, who, with a considerable number of
troops on board, sailed on the 13th of April (1778); but
meeting with contrary winds he did not reach the coast
of America till the 5th of July. He expected to find the
British army in Philadelphia and the fleet in the Delaware,
an<l if this expectaticHi had been realized the consequences
to Britain must have been calamitous. But the British
fleet and army were at Sandy Hook or New York before
the French fleet arrived on the coast

Count D'Estaing touched at the capes of the Delaware
on the 5th of July, and on learning that the British had
evacuated Philadelphia, he dispatched one of his frigates
up the river with M. Gerard, the first minister from France
to the United States, and then sailed for Sandy Hook.

Washington received intelligence of D'Estaing's arrival
in a letter from the President of Congress while he was
at Paramus. The next day he received a second letter
on the same subject, inclosing two resolutions — one di-
recting him to co-operate with the French admiral and
the other authorizing him to call on the States from New
Hampshire to New Jersey, inclusive, for such aids of mil-
itia as he might deem necessary for the operations of the
allied arms. He determined to proceed immediately to
White Plains, whence the army might co-operate with more
facility in the execution of any attempt which might be
made by the fleet, and dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Lau-
rens, one of his aides-de-camp, with all the information
relative to the enemy, as well as to his own army, which
might be useful to D'Estaing. Lieutenant-Colonel Lau-
rens was authorized to consult on future conjoint opera-

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UFE AND TIMES, 1215

tionsy and to establish conventional signals for the pur-
pose of facilitating the communication of intelligence.

The French admiral, on arriving off the Hook, dis-
patched Major de Qioisi, a gentleman of his family, to
Washington for the purpose of communicating fully his
views and his strength. His first object was to attack
New York. If this should be found impracticable, he was
desirous of turning his attention to Rhode Island. To
assist in coming to a result on these enterprises, Washing-
ton dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, another of
his aides-de-camp, with such further communications as
had been suggested by inquiries made since the departure
of Laurens.

Fearing that the water on the bar at the entrance of the
harbo^ was not of sufficient depth to admit the passage of
the largest ships of the French fleet without much diffi-
culty and danger, Washington had turned his attention to
other objects which might be eventually pursued. Gen-
eral Sullivan, who commanded the troops in Rhode Island,
was directed (July 21, 1778) to prepare for an enterprise
against Newport, and Lafayette was detached with two
brigades to join him at Providence. The next day Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Hamilton returned to camp with the final
determination of the Count D'Estaing to relinquish the
meditated attack on the fleet in the harbor of New York,
in consequence of the impracticability of passing the bar.

General Greene was immediately ordered to Rhode
Island, of which State he was a native, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Laurens was directed to attach himself to the
French admiral and to facilitate all his views by procuring
whatever might give them effect, after whidi he was to
act with the army under Sullivan.

Writing to the President of Congress (August 3, 1778),
Washington says : "As the army was encamped and there

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1216 WASHINGTON.

was no great prospect of a sudden removal, I judged it
advisable to send General Greene to the eastward on
Wednesday last, being fully persuaded his services, as
well in the quartermaster line as in the field, would be of
material importance in the expedition against the enemy
in that quarter. He is ^intimately acquainted with the
whole of that country, and, besides, he has an extensive
interest and influence in it. And, in justice to General
Greene, I take occasion to observe that the public is much
indebted to him for his judicious management and active
exertions in his present department. When he entered
upon it, he found it in a most confused, distracted, and
destitute state. This, by his conduct and industry, has
undergone a very happy change and such as enabled us,
with great facility, to make a sudden move, with the
whole army and baggage, from Valley Forge, in pursuit
of the enemy, and to perform a march to this place. In
a word, he has given the most general satisfaction, and his
affairs carry much the face of method and system. I also
consider it as an act of justice to speak of the conduct of
Colonel Wadsworth, commissary-general. He has been
indefatigable in his exertions to provide for the army, and,
since his appointment, our supplies of provision have been
good and ample."

We copy this extract from Washington's correspond-
ence because it does justice to Greene and gives us infor-
mation of the favorable change which had taken place in
the condition of the army since its dreary sojourn at Val-
ley Forge.

The resolution being taken to proceed against Rhode
Island, the fleet got under way and on the 25th of July
(1778) appeared off Newport and cast anchor about five
miles from that place; soon after which General Sullivan
visited D'Estaing and concerted with him a plan of opera-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1217

tions. The fleet was to enter the harbor and land the
French troops on the west side of the island, a little to
the north of Dyer's Island. The Americans were to land
at the same time on the opposite coast under cover of the
gims of a frigate.

A delay of several days now took place on account of
the tardiness of the neighboring militia in joining Sulli-
van's army.

As the militia of New Hampshire and Massachusetts
approached, Sullivan joined Greene at Tiverton and it
was agreed with the admiral that the fleet should enter
the main channel immediately (August 8th), and that the
descent should be made the succeeding day. The French
fleet passed the British batteries and entered the harbor
without receiving or doing any considerable damage.

The militia not arriving precisely at the time they were
expected, Sullivan could not hazard the movement which
had been concerted, and stated to the Count the necessity
of postponing it till the next day. Meanwhile the prepa-
rations for the descent being perceived, General Pigot
drew the troops which had been stationed on the north
end of the island into the lines at Newport.

On discovering this circumstance the next morning,
Sullivan determined to avail himself of it and to take im-
mediate possession of the works which had been aban-
doned. The whole army crossed the east passage and
landed on the north end of Rhode Island. This movement
gave great offense to D'Estaing who resented the indeli-
cacy supposed to have been committed by Sullivan in land-
ing before the French and without consulting him.

Unfortunately some difficulties on subjects of mere
punctilio had previously arisen. D'Estaing was a land
as well as sea officer, and held the high rank of lieu-
tenant-general in the service of France. Sullivan being
77

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121S WASHINGTON.

only a major-general, some misunderstanding on this
delicate point had been apprehended, and Washington had
suggested to him the necessity of taking every precaution
to avoid it. This, it was supposed, had been effected in
their first conference, in which it was agreed that the
Amiericans should land first, after which the French should
land to be commanded by D'Estaing in person. The mo-
tives for this arrangement are not stated. Either his own
after-reflections or the suggestions of others dissatisfied
D'Estaing with it and he insisted that the descent should
be made on both sides of the island precisely at the same
instant, and that one wing of the American army should
be attached to the French and land with them. He also
declined commanding in person and wished Lafayette to
take charge of the French troops as well as of the Amer-
icans attached to them.

It being feared that this alteration of the plan might
endanger both its parts D'Estaing was prevailed on to re-
duce his demand from one wing of the American army to
i,ooo militia. When afterward Sullivan crossed over into
the island before the time to which he had himself post-
poned the descent, and without giving previous notice to
the count of this movement, considerable excitement was
manifested. The count refused to answer Sullivan's letter,
and charged Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury, who delivered it,
with being more an American than a Frenchman.

At this time a British fleet appeared which, after sailing
close into the land and communicating with General Pigot,
withdrew some distance and came to anchor off Point
Judith, just without the narrow inlet leading into the
harbor.

After it had been ascertained that the destination of the
Count D'Estaing was America, he was followed by a
squadron of twelve ships of the line under Admiral Byron

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1219

who was designed to relieve Lord Howe, that nobleman
having solicited his recall. The vessels composing this
squadron meeting with weather unusually bad for the
season, and being separated in different storms, arrived,
after lingering through a tedious passage in various de-
grees of distress, on different and remote parts of the
American coast. Between the departure of D'Elstaing from
the Hook on the 23d of July (1778) and the 30th of that
month, four ships of sixty-four and fifty guns arrived at
Sandy Hook.

This addition to the British fleet, though it left Lord
Howe considerably inferior to the Count D'Estaing, de-
termined him to attempt the relief of Newport. He sailed
from New York on the 6th of August and on the 9th ap-
peared in sight of the French fleet before intelligence of
his departure could be received by the admiral.

At the time of his arrival the wind set directly into the
harbor so that it was impossible to get out of it, but it
shifted suddenly to the northeast the next morning and
the count determined to stand out to sea and give battle.
Previous to leaving port (August loth) he informed Gen-
eral Sullivan that on his return he would land his men as
that officer should advise.

Not choosing to give the advantage of the weather-
gauge Lord Howe also weighed anchor and stood out to
sea. He was followed by D'Estaing, and both fleets were
soon out of sight.

The militia were now arrived and Sullivan's army
amounted to 10,000 men. Notwithstanding some objec-
tions made by Lafayette to his commencing operations
before the return of D'Estaing, Sullivan determined to
commence the siege immediately.

Before this determination could be executed a furious
storm blew down all the tents, rendered the arms unfit

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1220 WASHINGTON.

for immediate use, and greatly damaged the ammunition,
of which fifty rounds had just been delivered to each man.
The soldiers having no shelter suffered extremely, and
several perished in the storm which continued three days.
On the return of fair weather the siege was commenced
and continued without any material circumstance for
several days.

As no intelligence had been received from the admiral
the situation of the American army was becoming very
critical. On the evening of the 19th their anxieties were
relieved for a moment by the reappearance of the French
fleet.

The two admirals, desirous the one of gaining ^niX the
other of retaining the advantage of the wind, had em-
ployed two days in manoeuvering without coming to ac-
tion. Toward the close of the second they were on the
point of engaging when they were separated by the violent
storm which had been so severely felt on shore and which
dispersed both fleets. Some single vessels afterward fell
in with each other, but no important capture was made,
and both fleets retired in a very shattered condition, the
one to the harbor of New York and the other to that of
Newport

A letter was immediately dispatched by D'Estaing to
Sullivan, informing him that, in pursuance of orders from
the King and of the advice of all his officers, he had taken
the resolution to carry the fleet to Boston. His instruc-
tions directed him to sail for Boston should his fleet meet
with any disaster or should a superior British fleet appear
on the coast.

To be abandoned by the fleet in such critical circum-
stances and not only deprived of the brilliant success which
they thought within their reach, but exposed to imminent
hazard, caused much disappointment, irritation, and alarm

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UFE AND TIMES. 1221

in the American camp. Lafayette and Greene were dis-
patched to D'Estaing to remonstrate with him on the sub-
ject and to press his co-operation and assistance for two
days only, in which time they flattered themselves the
most 6rilliant success would crown their efforts. But the
count was not popular in the fleet; he was a military of-
ficer as well as a naval commander, and was considered as
belonging to the army rather than to the navy. The of-
ficers of the sea service looked on him with a jealous and
envious eye and were willing to thwart him as far as they
were able with safety to themselves. When, on the press-
ing application of Lafayette and Greene, he again sub-
mitted the matter to their consideration, they took advan-
tage of the letter of the admiral's instructions and
unanimously adhered to their former resolution, sacrificing
the service of their prince to their own petty jealousies
and animosities. D'Estaing, therefore, felt himself con-
strained to set sail for Boston.

The departure of the French marine force left Sullivan's
army in a critical situation. It was in a firm reliance on
the co-operation of the French fleet that the expedition
was undertaken, and its sudden and unexpected departure
not only disappointed the sanguine hopes of speedy suc-
cess, but exposed the army to much hazard, for the
British troops under General Pigot might have been re-
inforced and the fleet might have cut off Sullivan's retreat.

The departure of the French fleet greatly discouraged
the American army, and in a few days Sullivan's force
was considerably diminished by desertion. On the 26th
of August he therefore resolved to raise the siege and re-
treat to the north end of the island, and took the neces-
sary precautions for the successful execution of that
movement.

In the night of the 28th, Sullivan silently decamped and

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1222 WASHINGTON.

retired unobserved. Early in the morning the British
discovered his retreat and instantly commenced a pursuit.
They soon overtook the light troops who covered the
retreat of the American army, and who continued skir-
mishing and retreating till they reached the north end of
the island, where the army occupied a strong position at
a place where the British formerly had a fortified post,
the works of which had been strengthened during the
two preceding days. There a severe conflict for about
half an hour ensued, when the combatants mutually with-
drew from the field. The loss of the armies was nearly
equal, amounting to between two and three hundred
killed or wounded in the course of the day.

On the 30th of August there was a good deal of can-
nonading, but neither party ventured to attack the other.
The British were expecting reinforcements, and Sullivan,
although he made a show of resolutely maintaining his
post, was busily preparing for the evacuation of the island.
In the evening he silently struck his tents, embarked his
army, with all the artillery, baggage, and stores, on board
a great number of boats and landed safely on the con-
tinent before the British suspected his intention to aban-
don the post. General Sullivan made a timely escape,
for Sir Henry Qinton was on his way, with 4,000 men,
to the assistance of General Pigot. He was detained four
days in the Sound by contrary winds, but arrived on the
day after the Americans left the island. A very short de-
lay would probably have proved fatal to their army.

The most sanguine expectations had been entertained
throughout the United States of the reduction of Rhode
Island and the capture of the British force which defended
it, so that the disappointment and mortification on the
failure of the enterpirse were exceedingly bitter. The irri-
tation against the French, who were considered the au-

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UFE AND TIMES, 1223

thors of the miscarriage, was violent. Sullivan was con-
fident of success ; and his chagrin at the departure of the
French fleet made him use some expressions, in a gen-
eral order, which gave oflFense to D'Estaing.

Washington foresaw the evils likely to result from the
general and mutual irritation which prevailed, and exerted
all his influence to calm the minds of both parties. He
had a powerful coadjutor in Lafayette, who was as de-
servedly dear to the Americans as to the French. His
first duties were due to his King and country, but he loved
America, and was so devoted to the Commander-in-Chief
of its armies, as to enter into his views and second his
softening conciliatory measures with truly filial affection.

Washington also wrote to General Heath, who com-
manded at Boston, and to Sullivan and Greene, who com-
manded at Rhode Island. In his letter to General Heath
he stated his fears " that the departure of the French fleet
from Rhode Island at so critical a moment, would not only
weaken the confidence of the people in their new allies,
but produce such prejudice and resentment as might pre-
vent their giving the fleet, in its present distress, such
zealous and effectual assistance as was demanded by the
exigence of affairs and the true interests of America;''
and added " that it would be sound policy to combat these
e£Fects and to give the best construction of what had hap-
pened; and at the same time to make strenuous exertions
for putting the French fleet, as soon as possible, in a
condition to defend itself and be useful." He also ob-
served as follows: "The departure of the fleet from
Rhode Island is not yet publicly announced here; but
when it is, I intend to ascribe it to necessity produced by
the damage received in the late storm. This, it appears
to me, is the idea which ought to be generally propagated.
As I doubt not the force of these reasons will strike you

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1224: WASHINGTON.

equally with myself, I would recommend to you to use
yout utmost influence to palliate and soften matters, and
to induce those whose business, it is to provide succors
of every kind for the fleet, to employ their utmost zeal
and activity in doing it. It is our duty to make the best of
our misfortunes and not suffer passion to interfere with
our interest and the public good."

Writing to General Sullivan he observed: "The dis-
agreement between the army under your command and
the fleet has given me very singular uneasiness. The
continent at large is concerned in our cordiality, and it
should be kept up by all possible means consistent with
our honor and policy. First impressions are generally
longest retained, and will serve to fix in a great degree
our national character with the French. In our conduct
toward them we should remember that they are a people
old in war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take
fire when others seem scarcely warmed. Permit me to
recommend, in the most particular manner, the cultivation
of harmony and good agreement, and your endeavors to
destroy that ill-humor which may have found its way
among the officers. It is of the utmost importance, too,
that the soldier and the people should know nothing of
this misunderstanding; or if it has reached them, that
means may be used to stop its progress and prevent its
effects.*'

To General Greene, Washington wrote: "I have not
now time to take notice of the several arguments which
were made use of, for and against the count's quitting
the harbor of Newport and sailing for Boston. Right or
wrong, it will probably disappoint our sangfuine expecta-
tions of success and which I deem a still worse conse-
quence, I fear it will sow the seeds of dissension and dis-
trust between us and our new allies,unless the most prudent

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UFE AND TIMES, 1225

measures be taken to suppress the feuds and jealousies
that have already arisen. I depend much on your temper
and influence to conciliate that animosity which subsists
between the American and French ofiicers in our service.
I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest
entered into by the general officers from being made
public. Congress, sensible of the ill consequences that will
flow from our differences being known to the world, have
passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my dear
sir, you can conceive my meaning better than I can ex-
press it; and I therefore fully depend on your exerting
yourself to heal all private animosities between our prin-
cipal officers and the French, and to prevent all illiberal
expression and reflections that may fall from the army
at large."

Washington also improved the first opportunity of re-
commencing his correspondence with Count D'Estaing, in
a letter to him, which, without noticing the disagreements
that had taken place, was well calculated to soothe every
unpleasant sensation which might have disturbed his mind.
In the course of a short correspondence, the irritation
which threatened serious mischiefs gave way to returning
good understanding and cordiality; although here and
there popular ill-will manifested itself in rather serious
quarrels and disputes with the French sailors and marines.

Meantime, in the storm which had separated the fleets
of D'Estaing and Howe when just about to engage, the
British fleet had suffered considerably, but had not sus-
tained so much damage as the French. In a short time
Lord Howe was again ready for sea; and having learned
that D'Estaing had sailed for Boston, he left New York
with the intention of reaching that place before him, or of
attacking him there, if he found it could be done with ad-
vantage. But on entering the bay of Boston he perceived

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1226 WASHINGTON.

the French fleet in Nantasket Roads, so judicibusly
stationed and so well protected by batteries that there
was no prospect of attacking it with success. He there-
fore returned to New York, where, finding that by fresh
arrivals his fleet was decidedly superior to that of the
French, he availed himself of the permission which he
had received some time before and resigned the command
to Admiral Gambier, who was to continue in the com-
mand till the arrival of Admiral Byron, who was daily
expected from Halifax.

Sir Henry Clinton, finding that General Sullivan had
effected his retreat from Rhode Island, set out on his re-
turn to New York; but that the expedition might not be
wholly ineffectual, he meditated an attack on New London,
situated on a river which falls into the Sound. The wind,
however, being unfavorable to the enterprise, he gave the
command of the troops on board the transports to Maj.-
Gen. Sir Charles Grey, with orders to proceed in an
expedition against Buzzard's Bay, and continued his voy-
age to New York.*

In obedience to the orders which he had received, General
Grey sailed to Acushnet river where he landed on the 5th
of September (1778), and destroyed all the shipping in the
river, amounting to more than seventy sail. He burned
a gfreat part of the towns of Bedford and Fairhaven, the
one on the west and the other on the east bank, destro)ring
a considerable quantity of military and naval stores, pro-
visions, and merchandise. He landed at six in the evening,

♦This officer was the same Grey who had surprised Wa3mc*s
detachment near the Paoli Tavern, in Pennsylvania (Sept. ao,
^777)f as already related in the text. His merciless massacre of
Wayne's men, with the bayonet, will ever be remembered. A
monument is erected on the spot where the massacre took place,
consecrated to the memory of the sufferers.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1227

and so rapid were his movements that the work of destruc-
tion was accomplished and the troops re-embarked before
noon the next day. He then proceeded to the island
called Martha's Vineyard, a resort of privateers, where he
took or burned several vessels, destroyed the salt works,
compelled the inhabitants to surrender their arms, and
levied from them a contribution of i,ooo sheep and 300
oxen.

Having mercilessly ravaged the seacoast, the hero of
the Paoli massacre returned, heavily laden with plunder,
to New York.

The return of the British fleet and of the troops under
Grey relieved the Americans from the anxious apprehen-
sion of an attack on their allies at Boston. Under that
apprehension, Washington had broken up his camp at
White Plains, and proceeding northward taken a position
at Fredericksburg, thirty miles from West Point near the
borders of Connecticut. He detached Generals Gates and
M'Dougall to Danbury, in Connecticut, in order that they
might be in readiness to move as circumstances might re-
quire, and he sent General Putnam to West Point to
watch the North river and the important passes in the
Highlands. But the return of the fleet and troops to New
York quieted those apprehensions.

Meanwhile Washington received intelligence that an
expedition was preparing at New York, the object of
which was not clearly apparent ; but soon after the return
of the troops under Grey the British army advanced in
great force on both sides of the North river. The column
on the west bank, consisting of 5,000 men commanded by
Comwallis, extended from the Hudson to the Hackensack.
The division on the east side consisting of about 3,000
men under Knyphausen, stretched from the North river
to the Bronx. The communication between them was

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1228 WASHINGTON.

kq)t up by flat-bottomed boats, by means of which the
two divisions could have been readily united if the Ameri-
cans had advanced against either of them.

Washington sent out several detachments to observe
the movements of those columns. Colonel Baylor, who
with his regiment of cavalry consisting of upwards of a
hundred men had been stationed near Paramus, crossed
the Hackensack on the morning of the 27th of September
and occupied Tappan or Herringtown, a small village near
New Tappan, where some militia were posted. Of these
circumstances Comwallis received immediate notice and
he formed a plan to surprise and cut off both the cavalry
and militia. The execution of the enterprise against
Baylor was intrusted to the unscrupulous General Grey,
and Colonel Campbell with a detachment from Knyp-
hausen's division was to cross the river and attack the
militia at New Tappan. Colonel Campbell's part of the
plan failed by some delay in the passage of the river, dur-
ing which a deserter informed the militia of their danger
and they saved themselves by flight. But Grey completely
surprised Baylor's troops and killed, wounded, or took the
greater part of them. Colonel Baylor was wounded and
made prisoner. The slaughter on that occasion which as
at the Paoli, was a literal massacre of surprised and de-
fenseless men excited much indigation and was the sub-
ject of loud complaints throughout the United States.

Three days after the surprise of Baylor, Col. Richard
Butler with a detachment of infantry assisted by Maj.
Henry Lee with part of his cavalry, fell in with a party of
15 chasseurs and about 100 yagers under Captain Donop,
on whom they made such a rapid charge that without the
loss of a man, they killed ten of them on the spot and took
about twenty prisoners.

The movement of the British army up the North river

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UFE AND TIMES. 1229

already mentioned, was made for the purpose of foraging
and also to cover a meditated attack on Little Egg Harbor,
and having accomplished its object it returned to New
York. Little Egg Harbor, situated on the coast of Jersey,
was a rendezvous of privateers, and being so near the
entrance to New York ships bound to that port were
much exposed to their depredations. An expedition
against it was therefore planned and the conduct of the
enterprise intrusted to Capt. Patrick Ferguson of the
Seventeenth regiment with about 300 men, assisted by
Captain Collins of the navy. He sailed from New York,
but short as the passage was he was detained several days
by contrary winds and did not arrive at the place of his
destination till the evening of the 5th of October (1778).
The Americans had got notice of his design and had sent
to sea such of their privateers as were ready for sailing.
They had also hauled the largest of the remaining vessels,
which were chiefly prizes, twenty miles up the river to
Chestnut Neck, and had carried their smaller vessels still
further into the country. Ferguson proceeded to Chestnut
Neck, burned the vessels there, destroyed the storehouses
and public works of every sort, and in returning ccHnmitted
many depredations on private property.

Count Pulaski with his legionary corps composed of
three companies of foot and a troop of horse, officered
principally by foreigners, had been detached by Washing-
ton into Jersey to check these depredations. He was
ordered toward Little Egg Harbor and lay without due
vigilance eight or ten miles from the coast. One Juliet,
a Frenchman, who had deserted from the British service
and obtained a commission in Pulaski's corps redeserted,
joined Captain Ferguson at Little Egg Harbor after his
return from Chestnut Neck and gave him exact informa-
tion of the strength and situation of Pulaski's troops.

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l^M WASHINGTON.

Ferguson and Collins immediately resolved to surprise the
Polish nobleman, and for that purpose, on the 15th of
October (1778), they embarked 250 men in boats, rowed
ten miles up the river before daybreak, landed within a
small distance of his infantry, left fifty men to guard their
boat, and with the remainder of their force suddenly fell
on the unsuspicious detachment, killed fifty of them among
whom were the Baron de Bosc and Lieutenant de la Bor-
derie, and retreated with scarcely any loss before they
could be attacked by Pulaski's cavalry.

This was another massacre similar to those of the in-
famous Grey.* Only five prisoners were taken. The com-
mander pretended to have received information that
Pulaski had ordered his men to give no quarter, but this
was false.

Admiral Byron reached New York and took command
of the fleet about the middle of September (1778). After
repairing his shattered vessels he sailed for the port of
Boston. Soon after his arrival in the bay fortune discon-
certed all his plans. A furious storm drove him out to sea
and damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary
to put into Newport to refit. This favorable moment was
seized by the Count D'Elstaing who sailed on the 3d of
November for the West Indies.

Thus terminated an expedition from which the most
important advantages had been anticipated. A variety of

♦The British government rewarded Grey for his cruelty by
making him a peer. He was the father of Earl Grey, who became
prime minister of Great Britain. This reward to Colonel Grey
was in strict consistency with the spirit in which the whole war
against the United States was condncted. Fortunately, the cruel
and brutal outrages of the invaders reacted on themselves, and
contributed greatly to the final result

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UFE AND TIMES, 1231

accidents had defeated plans judiciously formed which
had every probability of success in their favor.

Lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theater, was
now desirous of returning to France. Expecting war on
the continent of Europe he was anxious to tender his
services to his King and to his native country.

From motives of real friendship as well as of policy,
Washington was desirous of preserving the connection of
this officer with the army and of strengthening his attach-
ment to America. He therefore expressed to Congress his
wish that Lafayette, instead of resigning his commission,
might have unlimited leave of absence to return when it
should be convenient to himself, and might carry with
him every mark of the confidence of the government.

This policy was adopted by Congress in its full extent.
The partiality of America for Lafayette was well placed.
Never did a foreigner, whose primary attachments to his
own country remained undiminished, feel more solicitude
for the welfare of another than was unceasingly mani-
fested by this young nobleman for the United States.

The French alliance having effected a change in the po-
sition of affairs on the ocean, Congress devoted a g^ood
deal of attention to naval matters ; several new vessels were
built and others were purchased, and the present year
(1778) gave token of the spirit and ability of some of our
earlier naval officers in contending with a navy usually held
to be invincible. Early in the year Captain Biddle, in the
Randolph, a frigate of thirty-six g^ns, engaged his
majesty's ship the Yarmouth, a sixty-four, but after an
action of twenty minutes the Randolp4i blew up and Cap-
tain Biddle and crew perished with the exception of only
four men who were picked up a few days after on a piece of
wreck. The celebrated Paul Jones made his appearance on
the English coast during this year, and rendered his name

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1232 WASHINGTON.

a terror by the bold and daring exploits which he per-
formed. Captain Barry, off the coast of Maine, behaved in
a most gallant manner in an action with two English ships,
sustaining the contest for seven hours, and at last escaping
with his men on shore. Captain Talbot in October of this
year (1778) distinguished himself by a well-planned and
successful attack upon a Britisti vessel off Rhode Island.
The schooner Pigot, moored at the mouth of Seconset
river, effectually barred the passage, broke up the local
trade, and cut off the supplies of provisions and rein-
forcements for that part of the colony. Talbot, earnestly
desirous of relieving the country of this annoyance, ob-
tained the consent of General Sullivan to make the at-
tempt With his usual alacrity he set about the affair and
was entirely successful. The Pigot was captured and car-
ried off in triumph by the gallant band under Talbot. In the
succeeding November Captain Talbot received a compli-
mentary letter from the President of Congress, together
with a resolve of Congress, presenting him with the com-
mission of lieutenant-colonel in the army of the United
States.

There being no prospect of an active winter campaign
in the northern or middle States and the climate admit-
ting of military operations elsewhere, a detachment from
the British army consisting of 5,000 men commanded by
Major-General Grant, sailed early in November under a
strong convoy for the West India islands, and toward the
end of the same month another embarkation was made
for the southern parts of the continent This second de-
tachment was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell
who was escorted by Com. Hyde Parker, and was destined
to act against the Southern States.

As a force sufficient for the defense of New York yet
remained the American army retired into winter quarters

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UFE AND TIMES. 1233

(Dec, 1778). The main body was cantoned in Con-
necticut, on both sides the North river, about West Point,
and at Middlebrook. Light troops were stationed nearer
the lines, and the cavalry were drawn into the interior to
recruit the horses for the next campaign. In this distribu-
tion the protection of the country, the security of important
points, and a cheap and convenient supply of provisions
were consulted.

The troops again wintered in huts, but they were used
to this mode of passing that inclement season. Though
far from being well clothed their condition in that respect
was so much improved by supplies from France that they
disregarded the inconveniences to which they were ex*
posed.

Colonel Campbell, who sailed from the Hook about the
last of November, 1778, escorted by a small squadron com-
manded by Com. Hyde Parker reached the Isle of
Tybee, near the Savannah, on the 23d of December, and
in a few days the fleet and the transports passed the bar
and anchored in the river.

The command of the Southern army, composed of the
troops of South Carolina and Georgia, had been committed
to Major-General Robert Howe, who in the course of the
preceding summer had invaded East Florida. The diseases
incident to the climate made such ravages among his raw
soldiers that though he had scarcely seen an enemy he
found himself compelled to hasten out of the country with
considerable loss. After this disastrous enterprise his
army, consisting of between six and seven hundred Con-
tinental troops aided by a few hundred militia had en-
camped in the neighborhood of the town of Savannah,
situated on the southern bank of the river bearing that
name. The country about the mouth of the river is one
track of deep marsh intersected by creeks and cuts of
78

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1234 WASHINGTON.

water impassable for troops at any time of the tide, except
over causeways extending through the sunken ground.

Without much opposition Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell
effected a landing on the 29th (December, 1778), about
three miles below the town, upon which Howe formed his
line of battle. His left was secured by the river, and
along the whole extent of his front was a morass which
stretched to his right and was believed by him to be im-
passable for such a distance as effectually to secure that
wing.

After reconnoitering the country Colonel Campbell ad-
vanced on the great road leading to Savannah, and about
3 in the afternoon appeared in sight of the American army.
While making dispositions to dislodge it he accidentally fell
in with a negro who informed him of a private path lead-
ing through the swamp round the right of the American
lines to their rear. Determining to avail himself of this
path he detached a column under Sir James Baird which
entered the morass unperceived by Howe.

As soon as Sir James emerged from the swamp he at-
tacked and dispersed a body of Georgia militia which gave
the first notice to the American general of the danger
which threatened his rear. At the same instant the British
troops in his front were put in motion and their artillery
began to play upon him. A retreat was immediately or-
dered and the Continental troops were under the neces-
sity of running across a plain iix front of the corps which
had been led to the rear by Sir James Baird who attacked
their flanks with great impetuosity and considerable effect.
The few who escaped retreated up the Savannah, and cross-
ing that river at Zubly's Ferry took refuge in South
Carolina.

The victory was complete and decisive in its conse-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1235

quences. About lOO Americans were either killed in the
field or drowned in attempting to escape through a deep
swamp. Thirty-eight officers and 415 privates were taken.
Forty-eight pieces of cannon, twenty-three mortars, the
fort, with all its military stores, a large quantity of pro-
visions collected for the use of the army, and the capital
of Georgia fell into the hands of the conqueror. These
advantages were obtained at the expense of only seven
killed and nineteen wounded.

No military force now remained in Georgia except the
garrison of Sunbury whose retreat to South Carolina was
cut off. All the lower part of that State was occupied by the
British who adopted measures to secure the conquest they
had made. The inhabitants were treated with a lenity as
wise as it was humane. Their property was spared and
their persons protected. To make the best use of victory
and of the impression produced by the moderation of the
victors a proclamation was issued inviting the inhabitants
to repair to the British standard and offering protection to
those who would return to their allegiance.

The effect of these measures was soon felt. The in-
habitants flocked in great numbers to the royal standard;
military corps for the protection of the country were
formed, and posts were established for a considerable dis-
tance up the river.

The northern frontier of Georgia being supposed to be
settled into a state of quiet Colonel Campbell turned his
attention toward Sunbury and was about to proceed
against that place when he received intelligence that it
had surrendered to General Prevost.

Sir Henry Qinton had ordered that officer from East
Florida to co-operate with Colonel Campbell. On hearing
that the troops from the north were off the coast he en-

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1236 WASHINGTON,

tered the southern frontier of Georgia Qan. 9, 1779) and
invested Sunbury, which, after a slight resistance surren-
dered at discretion. Having placed a garrison in the fort
he proceeded to Savannah, took command of the army,
and detached Colonel Campbell with 800 regulars and a few
Provincials to Augusta which fell without resistance, and
thus the whole State of Georgia was reduced.

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CHAPTER XVI.

WASHINGTON PREPARES TO CHA5TISE THE INDIANS.

1778.

WHILE the events were passing which are recorded
in the preceding chapter a terrible war with the
Indians was raging on the western frontier of
the United States. While the British were abundantly
able to supply the Indians with all those articles of use and
luxury which they had been accustomed to receive from
the whites, Congress was not in a condition to do anything
of this sort to conciliate them or to secure their neutrality
in the existing war. Stimulated by the presents as well
as by the artful representations of British agents the In-
dians had consequently become hostile. Early in 1778
there were many indications of a general disposition
among the savages to make war on the United States, and
the frontiers, from the Mohawk to the Ohio, were threat-
ened with the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. Every
representation from that country supported Washington's
opinion that a war with the Indians should never be de-
fensive and that to obtain peace it must be carried into
their own country. Detroit was understood to be in a
defenseless condition, and Congress resolved on an expe-
dition against that place. This enterprise was intrusted to
General M'Intosh, who commanded at Pittsburg, and was
to be carried on with 3,000 men, chiefly militia, to be drawn
from Virginia. To facilitate its success another force was

(1237)

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1238 WASHINGTON.

to attack the Senecas, advancing from the east of the
Hudson.

Unfortunately the acts of the government did not cor-
respond with the vigor of its resolutions. The necessary
preparations were not made and the inhabitants of the
frontiers remained without sufficient protection until the
plans against them were matured and the storm which
had been long gathering burst upon them with a fury
which spread desolation wherever it reached.

About 300 white men, commanded by the British Col.
John Butler, and about 500 Indians, led by the Indian
Chief Brandt, who had assembled in the north, marched
late in June (1778) against the settlement of Wyoming.
These troops embarked on the Chemung or Tioga and
descending the Susquehanna, landed at a place called the
Three Islands, whence they marched about twenty miles,
and crossing a wilderness and passing through a gap in
the mountain, entered the valley of Wyoming near its
northern boundary. At this place a small fort called
Wintermoots had been erected, which fell into their hands
without resistance and was burnt. The inhabitants who
were capable of bearing arms assembled on the first alarm
at Forty Fort on the west side of the Susquehanna, four
miles below the camp of the invading army.

The regular troops, amounting to about sixty, were
commanded by Col. Zebulon Butler,* the militia by
Colonel Dennison. Colonel Butler was desirous of await-
ing the arrival of a small reinforcement under Captain
Spalding who had been ordered by Washington to his
aid on the first intelligence of the danger which threatened
the settlement, but the militia generally, believing them-
selves sufficiently strong to repel the invading force, urged

♦This officer was not of the same family with the Tory Butler.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1239

an immediate battle so earnestly that Colonel Butler
yielded to their remonstrances, and on the 3d of July
(1778) marched from Forty Fort at the head of near 400
men to attack the enemy.

The British and Indians were prepared to receive him.
Their line was formed a small distance in front of their
camp on a plain thinly covered with pine, shrub-oaks, and
under-growth, and extended from the river about a mile to
a marsh at the foot of the mountain. The Americans ad-
vanced in a single column without interruption until they
approached the enemy, when they received a fire which
did not much mischief. The line of battle was instantly
formed and the action commenced with spirit. The Amer-
icans rather gained ground on the right where Colonel
Butler commanded, until a large body of Indians passing
through the skirt of the marsh turned their left flank,
which was composed of militia, and poured a Heavy and
most destructive fire on their rear. The word " retreat "
was pronounced by some person and the efforts of the
officers to check it were unavailing. The fate of the day
was decided, and a flight commenced on the left which
was soon followed by the right. As soon as the line was
broken the Indians, throwing down their rifles and rush-
ing upon them with the tomahawk, completed the confu-
sion. The attempt of Colonel Butler and of the officers to
restore order was unavailing and the whole line broke
and fled in confusion. The massacre was general and the
cries for mercy were answered by the tomahawk. Rather
less than sixty men escaped, some to Forty Fort, some by
swimming the river, and some to the mountain. A very
few prisoners were made, only three of whom were pre-
served alive, who were carried to Niagara.

Further resistance was impracticable and Colonel Den-
nison proposed terms of capitulation which were granted

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12*0 WASHINGTON.

to the inhabitants. It being understood that no quarter
would be allowed to the Continental troops Colonel But-
ler with his few surviving soldiers fled from the valley.

The inhabitants generally abandoned the country and,
in great distress, wandered into the settlements on the
Lehigh and the Delaware. The Indians, according to their
usual practice, destroyed the houses and improvements by
fire and plundered the country. After laying waste the
whole settlement they withdrew from it before the arrival
of the Continental troops, who were ordered to meet them.
On the nth of November (1778) 500 Indians and Loyal-
ists, with a small detachment of regular troops, under the
command of the notorious John Butler, made an irruption
into the settlement at Cherry Valley, in the State of New
York, surprised and killed Colonel Allen, commander of
the American force at that place, and ten of his soldiers.
They attacked a fort erected there, but were compelled to
retreat. Next day they left the place, after having mur-
dered and scalped thirty-two of the inhabitants, chiefly
women and children.

On the first intelligence of the destruction of Wyoming
the regiments of Hartley and Butler with the remnant of
Morgan's corps, commanded by Major Posey, were de-
tached to the protection of that distressed country. They
were engaged in several sharp skirmishes, made separate
incursions into the Indian settlements, broke up their
nearest villages, destroyed their com, and, by compelling
them to retire to a greater distance, gave some relief to
the inhabitants.

While the frontiers of New York and Pennsylvania were
thus suffering the calamities incident to savage warfare, a
fate equally severe was preparing for Virginia. The
western militia of that State had made some successful
incursions into the country northwest of the Ohio and had

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UFE AND TIMES. 1241

taken some British posts on the Mississippi. These were
erected into the county of Illinois, and a regiment of in-
fantry with a troop of cavalry was raised for its protection.
The command of these troops was given to Col. George
Rogers Clarke, a gentleman who courage, hardihood, and
capacity for Indian warfare had given repeated success to
his enterprises against the savages.

This corps was divided into several detachments, the
strongest of which remained with Colonel Qarke at Kas-
kaskia. Colonel Hamilton, the Governor of Detroit, was
at Vincennes with about 600 men, principally Indians, pre-
paring an expedition, first against Kaskaskia and then up
the Ohio to Pittsburg, after which he purposed to desolate
the frontiers of Virginia. Qarke anticipated and defeated
his design by one of those bold and decisive measures,
which, whether formed on a great or a small scale, mark
the military and enterprising genius of the man who plans
and executes them.

He was too far removed from the inhabited country to
hope for support, and was too weak to maintain Kaskaskia
and the Illinois against the combined force of regulars and
Indians by which he was to be attacked as soon as the
season for action should arrive. While employed in pre-
paring for his defense he received unquestionable informa-
tion that Hamilton had detached his Indians on an expedi-
tion against the frontiers, reserving at the post he occupied
only about eighty regulars with three pieces of cannon
and some swivels. Qarke instantly resolved to seize this
favorable moment. After detaching a small galley up the
Wabash with orders to take her station a few miles below
Vincennes and to permit nothing to pass her, he marched
in the depth of winter with 130 men, the whole force he
could collect, across the country from Kaskaskia to Vin-
cennes. This march through the woods and over high

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1240 WASHINGTON.

waters required sixteen days, five of which were employed
in crossing the drowned lands of the Wabash. The troops
were under the necessity of wading five miles in water
frequently up to their breasts. After subduing these dif-
ficulties this small party appeared before the town, which
was completely surprised and readily consented to change
its master. Hamilton, after defending the fort a short
time, surrendered himself and his g^rison prisoners of
war. With a few of his immediate agents and counsellors,
who had been instrumental in the savage barbarities he
had encouraged, he was, by order of the Executive of Vir-
ginia, put in irons and confined in a jail.

This expedition was important in its consequences. It
disconcerted a plan which threatened destruction to the
whole country west of the Alleghany Mountains, detached
from the British interest many of those numerous tribes
of Indians south of the waters immediately communicating
with the great lakes, and had most probably considerable
influence in fixing the boundary of the United States.

These Indian hostilities on the western border were a
subject of extreme solicitude to Washington, ever alive
as he was to the cry of distress and ever anxious to pre-
serve peace and security to the rural population of the
country. Experience and observation had long since
taught him that the only effectual protection to the in-
habitants of the frontier settlements consisted in carrying
the war with severity into the enemy's own country.
Hence we find that from the moment these atrocities of
the Indians commenced in the western country he was
engaged in planning that expedition which, in the next
campaign, under the direction of General Sullivan, carried
desolation to^ their own homes and taught them a lesson
which they could not soon forget. In the following ex-
tract of a letter to Gov. George Qinton of New York,

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UFE AND TIMES. 1243

dated March 4, 1779, it will be perceived that he speaks of
his plan as already matured :

" The President of Congress has transmitted to me your
Excellency's letter to the delegates of New York, repre-
senting the calamitous situation of the northwestern
frontier of that State, accompanied by a similar applica-
tion from the Pennsylvania Assembly, and a resolve of
the 25th, directing me to take the most effectual measures
for the protection of the inhabitants and chastisement of
the Indians. The resolve has been in some measure an-
ticipated by my previous dispositions for carrying on of-
fensive operations against the hostile tribes of savages.
It has always been my intention early to communicate this
matter to your Excellency in confidence, and I take occa-
sion, from the letter above mentioned, to inform you that
preparations have some time since been making, and they
will be conducted to the point of execution at a proper
season, if no unexpected accident prevents, and the situa-
tion of affairs on the maritime frontier justifies the under-
taking.

"The greatest secrecy is necessary to the success of
such an enterprise, for the following obvious reasons:
That, immediately upon the discovery of our design, the
savages would either put themselves in condition to make
head against us, by a reunion of all their force and that of
their allies, strengthened besides by succors from Canada ;
or elude the expedition altogether, which might be done
at the expense of a temporary evacuation of forests which
we could not possess, and the destruction of a few settle-
ments which they might speedily re-establish."

Washington concludes this letter by calling upon Gov-
ernor Qinton for an account of the force which New
York can furnish for the contemplated expedition and
describing the kind of men most desirable for this peculiar

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1244 WASHINGTON.

service — " active 'rangers, who are at the same time ex-
pert marksmen, and accustomed to the irregular kind of
wood-fighting practiced by the Indians." He concludes
by expressing a desire to have the advantage of any senti-
ments or advice the Governor might be pleased to com-
municate relative to the expedition. This is but one
among many instances which might be cited of the vigi-
lance and unceasing activity of Washington in everything
connected with the national defense.

In addition to this Indian war Washington at this time
(1778) had another cause of deep anxiety continually upon
his mind, in the comparatively weak and inefficient char-
acter of the legislative body to whom he must necessarily
look for support an4 sanction in all measures for the de-
fense of the country. The Congress of 1774 — that Con-
gress whose proceedings and State papers had elicited
the admiration of the illustrious Earl of Chatham — had
comprised the ablest and most influential men in the
country. But most of these men had withdrawn from Con-
gress or had accepted high offices under their own State
governments, and their places had either not been filled at
all or had been filled by incompetent men. For the year
1778 the average number of members had been between
twenty-five and thirty. Some States were not represented
and others had not sent delegates enough to entitle them
to a vote. But small as the number of delegates in Con-
gress was they were sufficiently numerous to entertain the
fiercest feuds among themselves, and seriously to em-
barrass the public service by permitting party considera-
tions to interfere with the measures most essential to the
safety and efficiency of the army and the preservation of
order in the country. Washington was acutely sensible
to this disastrous state of things. Full of disinterested
zeal for the public service he could hardly comprehend the

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apathy prevailing in the different States, which occasioned
their omitting to fill up their quotas of representatives in
Congress, and he was embarrassed and distressed with the
weak and inefficient manner in which the military and
civil affairs, under the direction of Congress, were con-
ducted. In a letter to Benjamin Harrison of Virginia, a
member of the Congress of 1774, he expresses frankly his
views on this unpleasant topic as follows : " It appears
as clear to me as ever the sun did in its meridian bright-
ness, that America never stood in more eminent need of
the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than
at this period, and if it is not a sufficient cause for general
lamentation my misconception of the matter impresses it
too strongly upon me that the States, separately, are too
much engaged in their local concerns and have too many
of their ablest men withdrawn from the general council
for the good of the commonweal. In a word I think our
political system may be compared to the mechanism of a
clock and that we should derive a lesson from it, for it
answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in
order if the greater one, which is the support and prime
mover of the whole, is neglected. How far the latter is
the case it does not become me to pronounce, but as there
can be no harm in a pious wish for the good of one's
country, I shall offer it as mine, that each would not only
choose, but absolutely compel their ablest men to attend
Congress, and that they would instruct them to go into a
thorough investigation of the causes that have produced
so many disagreeable effects in the army and country, in
a word, that public abuses should be corrected. Without
this it does not in my judgment require the spirit of divi-
nation to foretell the consequences of the present admin-
istration nor to how little purpose the States individually
are framing constitutions, providing laws, and filling of-

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1246 WASHINGTON.

fices with the abilities of their ablest men. These, if the
great whole is mismanaged, must sink in the general
wreck, which will carry with it the remorse of thinking
that we are lost by our own folly and negligence or by the
desire, perhaps, of living in ease and tranquillity during
the accomplishment of so great a revolution, in the effect-
ing of which the greatest abilities and the most honest men
our American world affords ought to be employed.

" It is much to be feared, my dear sir, that the States
in their separate capacities have very inadequate ideas of
the present danger. Many persons removed far distant
from the scene of action and seeing and hearing such
publications only as flatter their wishes, conceive that the
contest is at an end and that to regulate the government
and police of their own State is all that remains to be done,
but it is devoutly to be wished that a sad reverse of this
may not fall upon them like a thunderclap that is little
expected. I do not mean to designate particular States.
I wish to cast no reflections upon any one. The public
believe (and if they do beUeve it, the fact might almost as
well be so) that the States at this time are badly repre-
sented and that the great and important concerns of the
nation are horribly conducted for want either of abilities
or application in the members, or through the discord
and party views of some individuals. That they should be
so is to be lamented more at this time than formerly, as
we are far advanced in the dispute and, in the opinion of
many, drawing to a happy period; we have the eyes of
Europe upon us and I am pursuaded many political spies
to watch, who discover our situation and give information
of our weaknesses and wants."

We have already seen that Congress, actuated by their
wishes rather than governed by a temperate calculation
of the means in their possession, had, in the preceding

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1247

winter, planned a second invasion of Canada to be con-
ducted by Lafayette and that, as the generals only were
got in readiness for this expedition, it was necessarily laid
aside. The design, however, seems to have been sus-
pended, not abandoned. The alliance with France revived
the latent wish to annex that extensive territory to the
United States. That favorite subject was resumed, and
toward autumn a plan was completely digested for a com-
bined attack to be made by the allies on all the British
dominions on the continent and on the adjacent islands of
Cape Breton and Newfoundland. This plan was matured
about the time Lafayette obtained leave to return to his
own country and was ordered to be transmitted by him to
Doctor Franklin, the minister of the United States at the
court of Versailles with instructions to induce, if possible,
the French cabinet to accede to it. Some communications
respecting this subject were also made to Lafayette, on
whose influence in securing its adoption by his own gov-
ernment much reliance was placed, and in October, 1778,
it was for the first time transmitted to Washington, with
a request that he would inclose it by Lafayette, with his
observations on it, to Doctor Franklin.

This very extensive plan of military operations for the
ensuing campaign, prepared entirely in the cabinet with-
out consulting, so far as is known, a single military man,
consisted of many parts.

Two detachments, amounting each to 1,600 men, were
to march from Pittsburg and Wyoming against Detroit
and Niagara. A third body of troops which was to be
stationed on the Mohawk during the winter and to be
powerfully reinforced in the spring, was to seize Oswego
and to secure the navigation of Lake Ontario with vessels
to be constructed of materials to be procured in the winter.
A fourth corps was to penetrate into Canada by the St

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1248 WASHINGTON,

Francis and to reduce Montreal and the posts on Lake
Champlain, while a fifth should guard against troops from
Quebec.

Thus far America could proceed unaided by her ally. But
Upper Canada being reduced another campaign would still
be necessary for the reduction of Quebec. This circum-
stance would require that the army should pass the winter
in Canada, and in the meantime the garrison of Quebec
might be largely reinforced. It was therefore essential to
the complete success of the enterprise that France should
be induced to take a part in it.

The conquest of Quebec and of Halifax was supposed to
be an object of so much importance to France as well as
to the United States that her aid might be confidently
expected.

It was proposed to request the King of France to furnish
four or five thousand troops, to sail from Brest the begin-
ning of May under convoy of four ships of the line and
four frigates, the troops to be clad as if for service in the
West Indies and thick clothes to be sent after them in
August. A large American detachment was to act with
this French army and it was supposed that Quebec and
Halifax might be reduced by the beginning or middle of
October. The army might then either proceed immedi-
ately against New Foundland or remain in garrison until
the spring when the conquest of that place might be
accomplished.

It had been supposed probable that England would aban-
don the further prosecution of the war on the continent of
North America, in which case the government would have
a respectable force at its disposal, the advantageous em-
ployment of which had engaged in part the attention of
Washington. He had contemplated an expedition against
the British posts in Upper Canada as a measure which

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LIFE AND TIMES, ' 1249

might be eventually eligible and which might employ the
arms of the United States to advantage if their troops
might safely be withdrawn from the sea-board. He had,
however, considered every object of this sort as contin-
gent. Having estimated the difficulties to be encountered in
such an enterprise he had found them so considerable as
to hesitate on the extent which might safely be given to
the expedition admitting the United States to be evacuated
by the British armies.

In this state of mind Washington received the magnifi-
cent plan already prepared by Congress. He was forcibly
struck with the impracticability of executing that part of it
which was to be undertaken by the United States should
the British armies continue in the country and with the
serious mischief which would result to the common cause
as well as from diverting so considerable a part of the
French force from other objects to one which was, in his
opinion, so unpromising as from the ill impression which
would be made on the court and nation by the total failure
of the Amercan government to execute its part of a plan
originating with itself — a failure would most probably
sacrifice the troops and ships employed by France.

On comparing the naval force of England with that of
France in different parts of the world, the former appeared
to Washington to maintain a decided superiority and con-
sequently to possess the power of shutting up the ships
of the latter which might be trusted into the St Lawrence.
To suppose that the British government would not avail
itself of this superiority on such an occasion would be to
impute to it a blind infatuation or ignorance of the plans
of its adversary, which could not be safely assumed in
calculations of such serious import.

A plan, too, consisting of so many parts to be prose-
79

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1250 WASHINGTON.

cuted both from Europe and America by land and by
water — which, to be successful, required such an harmo-
nious co-operation of the whole, such a perfect coinci-
dence of events — appeared to him to be exposed to too
many accidents to risk upon it interests of such high value.

In a long and serious letter to Congress he apologized
for not obeying their orders to deliver the plan with his
observations upon it to Lafayette, and entering into a full
investigation of all its parts demonstrated the mischiefs and
the dangers with which it was replete. This letter was re-
ferred to a committee whose report admits the force nl
the reasons urged by Washington against the expedition
and their own conviction that nothing important could be
attempted unless the British armies should be withdrawn
from the United States and that even in that event the
present plan was far too complex.

Men, however, recede slowly and reluctantly from favor-
ite and flattering projects on which they have long medi-
tated, and the committee in their report proceeded to state
the opinion that the posts held by the British in the United
States would probably be evacuated before the active part
of the ensuing campaign, and that, therefore, eventual
measures for the expedition ought to be taken.

This report concludes with recommending, "that the
general should be directed to write to the Marquis de La-
fayette on that subject, and also write to the minister of
these States at the court of Versailles very fully, to the end
that eventual measures may be taken in case an armament
should be sent from France to Quebec for co-operating
therewith to the utmost degree which the finances and re-
sources of these States will admit."

This report also was approved by Congress and trans-
mitted to Washington who felt himself greatly embarrassed

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1261

by it. While his objections to the project retained all their
force he found himself required to open a correspondence
for the purposes of soliciting the concurrence of France
in an expedition he disapproved, and of promising a co-
operation he believed to be impracticable. In reply to
this communication he said : " The earnest desire I have
strictly to comply in every instance with the views and
instructions of Congress cannot but make me feel the
greatest uneasiness when I find myself in circumstances of
hesitation or doubt with respect to their directions. But
the perfect confidence I have in the justice and candor of
that honorable body emboldens me to communicate with-
out reserve the difficulties which occur in the execution of
their present order, and the indulgence I have experienced
on every former occasion induces me to imagine that the
liberty I now take will not meet with disapprobation."

After reviewing the report of the committee and stating
his objections to the plan and the difficulties he felt in per-
forming the duty assigned to him, he added : " But if Con-
gress still think it necessary for me to proceed in the
business I must request their more definite and explicit
instructions and that they will permit me, previous to trans-
mitting the intended dispatches, to submit them to their
determination

" I could wish to lay before Congress more minutely
the state of the army, the condition of oiu* supplies and
the requisites necessary for carrying into execution an
undertaking that may involve the most serious events. If
Congress think this can be done more satisfactorily in a
personal conference I hope to have the army in such a
situation before I can receive their answer as to afford me
an opportunity of giving my attendance."

Congress acceded to his request for a personal inter-

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125^ WASHINGTON.

view, and on his arrival in Philadelphia a committee was
appointed to confer with him as well on this particular sub-
ject as on the general state of the army and of the country.

The result of these conferences was that the expedition
against Canada was entirely, though reluctantly, given up,
and every arrangement recommended by Washington re-
ceived that 'attention which was due to his judgment and
experience and which his opinions were entitled to receive.

If anything were necessary to be added to this ridicu-
lous scheme for the conquest of Canada in order to prove
the inefficiency and folly of the Congress of 1778 we have it
in the fact that France was averse to adding that province
to the United States and did not desire to acquire it for
herself. She only sought the independence of this coun-
try and its permanent alliance.

Mr. De Sevelinges in his introduction to Botta's His-
tory recites the private instructions to Mr. Gerard on his
mission to the United States. One article was, " to avoid
entering into any formal engagement relative to Canada
and other English possessions which Congress proposed
to conquer." Mr. De Sevelinges adds, that " the policy of
the cabinet of Versailles viewed the possession of those
countries, especially of Canada by England as a principle
of useful inquietude and vigilance to the Americans. The
neighborhood of a formidable enemy must make them feel
more sensibly the price which they ought to attach to the
friendship and support of the King of France,"

[C]

Report of the Committee Appointed to Confer with Wash-
ington ON the Second Scheme for the Conquest of
Canada, and on the General State of the Army and the
Country.

"January i, 1779. The committee appointed to confer with the
commander-in-chief on the operations of the next campaign, report,

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UFE AND TIMES. 1253

that the plan proposed by Q>ngress for the emandpation of Canada,
in co-operation with an army from France, was the principal subject
of the said conference.

That, impressed with a strong sense of the injury and disgrace
which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulations, on the
part of these States, your committee have taken a general view of
our finances, of the circumstances of our army, of the magazines of
clothes, artillery, arms and ammunition, and of the provisions in
store, and which can be collected in season.

Your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence
and observations communicated to them by the commander-in-chief,
respecting the number of troops and strongholds of the enemy in
Canada; their naval force, and entire command of the water com-
munication with that country; the difficulties, while they possess
such signal advantages, of penetrating it with an army by land;
the obstacles which are to be surmounted in acquiring a naval
superiority; the hostile temper of many of the surrounding Indian
tribes towards these States; and above all, the uncertainty whether
the enemy will not persevere in their system of harassing and dis-
tressing our sea-coast and frontiers by a predatory war.

That on a most mature deliberation, your committee cannot find
room for a well-grounded presumption that these States will be
able to perform their part of the proposed stipulations. That in a
measure of such moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a
single object, a considerable portion of the force of our ally which
may otherwise be essentially employed, nothing else than the highest
probability of success could justify Congress in making the proposi-
tion.

Your committee are therefore of opinion, that the negotiation in
question, however desirable and interesting, should be deferred until
circumstances render the co-operation of these States more certain,
practicable, and effectual.

That the minister plenipotentiary of these States at the court of
Versailles, the minister of France in Pennsylvania, and the minister
of France, be respectively informed that the operations of the next
campaign must depend on such a variety of contingencies to arise, as
well from our own internal circumstances and resources as the
progress and movements of our enemy, that time alone can mature
and point out the plan which ought to be pursued. That Congress,
therefore, cannot, with a degree of confidence answerable to the

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1254 WASHINGTON.

magnitude of the object, decide on the practicability of their co-
operating the next campaign in an enterprise for the emancipation
of Canada ; that every preparation in our power will nevertheless be
made for acting with vigor against the common enemy, and every
favorable incident embraced. with alacrity to facilitate and hasten the
freedom and independence of Canada, and her union with these
States — events which Congress, from motives of policy with respect
to the United States, as well as of affection to their Canadian
brethren, have greatly at heart"

This report is evidently inspired by Washington, from beginning
to end.

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CHAPTER XVII.

WASHINQTON'S OPERATIONS IN THE NORTHERN STATES.

1779.

WE have seen that Washington had gone from his
winter quarters near Middlebrook in the Jer-
seys to hold a conference with Congress on the
subject of the invasion of Canada. When this mat-
ter had been disposed of there still remained many
subjects demanding the joint attention of the supreme
Legislature and the Commander-in-Chief, and accordingly
he spent a considerable part of the winter of 1778-9 at
Philadelphia consulting with Congress on measures for the
general defense and welfare of the country. Washington
felt extreme anxiety at the inadequate means at his disposal
for conducting the campaign of 1779. The state of Con-
gress itself, as we have already shown, was sufficiently
embarrassing to him, but there were other causes of un-
easiness in the general aspect of affairs. The French al-
liance was considered by the people as rendering the cause
of independence perfectly safe; with little or no exertion on
our part England was supposed to be alrfeady conquered in
America, and, moreover, she was threatened with a Spanish
war. Hence the States were remiss in furnishing their
quotas of men and money. The currency, consisting of
Continental bills, was so much depreciated that a silver
dollar was worth forty dollars of the paper money. The

(1355)

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1256 WASHINGTON.

effect of this last misfortune was soon apparent in the
conduct of the officers of the Jersey brigade.

In pursuance of Washington's plan of chastising the
Indians, to which we referred in the last chapter, it was
resolved to lead a force into those villages of the Six
Nations which were hostile to the United States and de-
stroy their settlements.

As the army destined for this expedition was about to
move alarming symptoms of discontent appeared in a part
of it. The Jersey brigade, which had been stationed during
the winter at Elizabethtown, was ordered early in May
(1779) to march by regiments. This order was answered
by a letter from General Maxwell stating that the officers
of the First regiment had delivered a remonstrance to their
colonel, addressed to the Legislature of the State, de-
clearing that unless their complaints on the subjects of pay
and support should obtain the immediate attention of that
body, they were, at the expiration of three days, to be con-
sidered as having resigned, and requesting the Legislature,
in that event, to appoint other officers to succeed them.
They declared, however, their readiness to make every
preparation for obeying the orders which had been given,
and to continue their attention to the regiment until a
reasonable time should elapse for the appointment of their
successors. " This," added the letter of General Maxwell,
" is a step they are extremely unwilling to take, but it is
such as I make no doubt they will all take; nothing but
necessity — their not being able to support themselves in
time to come and being loaded with debts contracted in
time past — could have induced them to resign at so critical
a juncture."

The intelligence conveyed in this letter made a serious
impression on Washington. He was strongly attached to
the army and to its interests, had witnessed its virtues and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1257

its sufferings, and lamented sincerely its present dis-
tresses. The justice of the complaints made by the officers
could no more be denied than the measure they had
adapted could be approved. Relying on their patriotism
and on his own influence, he immediately wrote a letter to
General Maxwell to be laid before them in which, mingling
the sensibility of a friend with the authority of a general, he
addressed to their understanding and to their love of coun-
try, observations calculated to invite their whole attention
to the consequences which must result from the step they
were about to take.

" The patience and perseverance of the army," proceeds
the letter, " have been, under every disadvantage, such as
to do them the highest honor both at home and abroad,
and have inspired me with an unlimited confidence of their
virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and
reverse of fortune to which our affairs, in a struggle of
this nature, were necessarily exposed. Now that we have
made so great a pr(^ess to the attainment of the end
we have in view, so that we cannot fail without a most
shameful desertion of our own interests, anything like a
change of conduct would imply a very unhappy change of
principles, and a forgetfulness as well of what we owe to
ourselves as to our country. Did I suppose it possible this
could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army,
I should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I
should feel it as a wound given to my own honor, which I
consider as embarked with that of the army at large. But
this I believe to be impossible. Any corps that was about
to set an example of the kind would weigh well the con-
sequences, and no officer of common discernment and sen-
sibility would hazard them. If they should stand alone in
it, independent of other consequences, what would be their
feelings on reflecting that they had held themselves out

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1258 WASHINGTON.

to the world in a pwnt of light inferior to the rest of the
army? Or if their example should be followed, and be-
come general, how could they console themselves for
having been the foremost in bringfing ruin and disgrace
upon their country? They would remember that the army
would share a double portion of the general infamy and
distress, and that the character of an American officer
would become as infamous as it is now glorious.

" I confess the appearances in the present instance are
disagreeable, but I am convinced they seem to mean more
than they really do. The Jersey officers have not been out-
done by any others in the qualities either of citizens or
soldiers; and I am confident no part of them would seri-
ously intend anything that would be a stain on their
former reputation. The gentlemen cannot be in earnest;
they have only reasoned wrong about the means of ob-
taining a good end, and, on consideration, I hope and
flatter myself they will renounce what must appear to be
improper. At the opening of a campaign, when under
marching orders for an important service, their own honor,
duty to the public and to themselves, and a regard to mil-
itary propriety, will not suffer them to persist in a measure
which would be a violation of them all. It will even wound
their delicacy, coolly to reflect that they have hazarded a
step which has an air of dictating terms to their country,
by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment."

This letter did not completely produce the desired
effect. The officers did not recede from their claims. In
an address to Washington, they expressed their unhappi-
ness that any act of theirs should give him pain, but pro-
ceeded to justify the step they had taken. Repeated me-
morials had been presented to their Legislature which had
been received with promises of attention, but had been
regularly neglected. "At length," said they, "we have

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UFE AND TIMES. 1269

lost all confidence in our Legislature. Reason and ex-
perience forbid that we should have any. Few of us have
private fortunes; many have families, who ah-eady are suf-
fering everything that can be received from an ungrate-
ful country. Are we then to suffer all the inconveniences,
fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives
and our children are perishing for want of common neces-
saries at home — and that without the nwst distant pros-
pect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal? We
are sensible that your Excellency cannot wish nor desire
this from us.

"We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to
disobey orders. It was and still is our determination to
march with our regiment an3 to do the duty of officers
until the Legislature should have a reasonable time to ap-
point others, but no longer.

" We beg leave to assure your Excellency that we have
the highest sense of your ability and virtues ; that executing
your orders has ever gfiven us pleasure; that we love the
service, and we love our country — but when that country
gets so lost to virtue and justice as to forget to support
its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its
service."

This letter was peculiarly embarrassing to Washingfton.
To adopt a stem course of proceeding might hazard the
loss of the Jersey line, an event not less injurious to the
service than painful to himself. To take up the subject
without doing too much for the circumstances of the
army would be doing too little for the occasion. He there-
fore declined taking any other notice of the letter than to
declare through General Maxwell, that while they con-
tinued to do their duty in conformity with the determina-
tion they had expressed he should only regret the part

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1260 WASHINGTON,

they had taken and should hope they would perceive its
impropriety.

The Legislature of New Jersey, alarmed at the decisive
step taken by the officers, was at length induced to pay
some attention to their situation — they consenting on
their part to withdraw their remonstrance. In the mean-
time they continued to perform their duty and their march
was not delayed by this unpleasant altercation.

In communicating this transaction to Congress Wash-
ington took occasion to remind that body of his having
frequently urged the absolute necessity of some general
and adequate provision for the officers of the army. " I
shall only observe," continued the letter, "that the dis-
tresses in some corps are so great, either where they were
not until lately attached to any particular State, or where
the State has been less provident, that the officers have
solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined
for the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it was.
I had not power to comply with the request.

" The patience of men animated by a sense of duty and
honor will support them to a certain point, beyond which
it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of
the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon
my anxiety to obviate it."

Before the troops destined for the grand expedition
were put in motion an enterprise of less extent was under-
taken which was completely successful. A plan for sur-
prising the towns of the Onondagas, one of the nearest
of the hostile tribes, having been formed by General
Schuyler and approved by Washington, Colonel Van
Schaick assisted by Lieutenant-Colonel Willet and Major
Cochran marched from Fort Schuyler on the morning of
the 19th of April at the head of between five and six hun-
dred men and on the third day reached the point of

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1261

destination. The whole settlement was destroyed after
which the detachment returned to Fort Schuyler without
the loss of a single man. For this handsome display of
talents as a partisan, the thanks of Congress were voted
to Colonel Van Schaick and the officers and soldiers under
his command.

The cruelties exercised by the Indians in the course of
the preceding year had given a great degree of importance
to the expedition now meditated against them, and the
relative military strength and situation of the two parties
rendered it improbable that any other offensive operations
could be carried on by the Americans in the course of the
present campaign. The army under the command of Sir
Henry Qinton, exclusive of the troops in the southern de-
partment, was computed at between sixteen and seventeen
thousand men. The American army, the largest division
of which lay at Middlebrook under the immediate com-
mand of Washingfton, was rather inferior to that of the
British in real strengfth. The grand total, except those in
the southern and western country, including officers of
every description amounted to about 16,000. Three
thousand of these were in New England under the com-
mand of General Gates, and the remaining 13,000 were
cantoned on both sides of the North river.

After the destruction of Forts Clinton and Montgomery
in 1777, it had been determined to construct the fortifica-
tions intended for the future defense of the North river
at West Point, a position which being more completely
embosomed in the hills was deemed more defensible. The
works had been prosecuted with unremitting Industry
but were far from being completed.

King's Ferry, some miles below West Point, where the
great road, the most convenient communication between
the middle and eastern States, crossed the North river.

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126?/ WASHINGTON.

is completely commanded by two opposite points of land.
That on the west side, a rough and elevated piece of
ground, is denominated Stony Point ; and the other, on the
east side, a flat neck of land projecting far into the water,
is called Verplanck's Point. The command of King's
Ferry was an object worth the attention of either army,
and Washingfton had comprehended the points which pro-
tect it within his plan of defense for the Highlands. A
small but strong work called Fort Fayette was completed
at Verplanck's and was garrisoned by a company com-
manded by Captain Armstrong. The works on Stony
Point were unfinished. As the season for active operations
approached Sir Henry Qinton formed a plan for opening
the campaign with a brilliant coup de main up the North
river and toward the latter end of May made preparations
for the enterprise.

These preparations were immediately communicated to
Washington who was confident that Clinton meditated an
attack on the forts in the Highlands or designed to take
a position between those forts and Middlebrook, in order
to interrupt the communication between the different parts
of the American army, to prevent their reunion and to
beat them in detail. Measures were instantly taken to
counteract either of these designs. The intelligence from
New York was communicated to Generals Putnam and
M'Dougal, who were ordered to hold themselves in readi-
ness to march, and on the 29th of May (1779) the army
moved by divisions from Middlebrook toward the High-
lands. On the 30th the British army conmianded by
Qinton in person and convoyed by Sir George Collier
proceeded up the river, and General Vaughan at the head
of the largest division, landed next morning about eight
miles below Verplanck's. The other division under the
particular conunand of General Patterson, but accom-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1263

panied by Clinton, advancing further up, landed on the
west side within three miles of Stony Point.

That place being immediately abandoned, General Pat-
terson took possession of it on the same afternoon. He
dragged some heavy cannon and mortars to the summit
of the hill in the course of the night (June i, 1779), and
at five next morning opened a battery on Fort Fayette
at the distance of about 1,000 yards. During the following
night two galleys passed the fort and anchoring above it
prevented the escape of the garrison by water while Gen-
eral Vaughan invested it closely by land. No means of de-
fending the fort or of saving themselves remaining the
garrisons became prisoners of war. Immediate directions
were given for completing the works at both posts and for
putting Stony Point in particular in a strong state of
defense.

Washington determined to check any further advance
of the enemy, and before Qinton was in a situation to
proceed against West Point, General M'Dougal was so
strengthened and the American army took such a position
on the strong grounds about the Hudson that the enter-
prise became too hazardous to be further prosecuted.

After completing the fortifications on both sides of the
river at King's Ferry, Clinton placed a strong garrison in
each fort and proceeded down the river to Philipsburg.
The relative situation of the hostile armies presenting in-
superable obstacles to any grand operation they could be
employed offensively only on detached expeditions. Con-
necticut, from its contiguity to New York and its extent
of sea coast, was peculiarly exposed to invasion. The
numerous small cruisers which plied in the sound, to the
great annoyance of British commerce, and the large sup-
plies of provisions drawn from the adjacent country for
the use of the Continental army, furnished great induce-

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1264 WASHINGTON,

ments to Clinton to direct his enterprises particularly
against that State. He also hoped to draw Washington
from his impregnable position on the North river into the
low country and thus obtain an opportunity of striking
at some part of his army or of seizing the posts which were
the great object of the campaign. With these views he
planned an expedition against Connecticut, the command
of which was given to Governor Tryon, who reached New
Haven bay on the 5th of July (1779) with about 2,600 men.

Washingfton was at the time on the lines examining in
person the condition of the works on Stony and Ver-
planck's Points, in consequence of which the intelligence
which was transmitted to headquarters that the fleet had
sailed could not be immediately communicated to the Gov-
ernor of Connecticut, and the first intimation which that
State received of its danger was gfiven by the appearance
of the enemy. The militia assembled in considerable num-
bers with alacrity, but the British effected a landing and
took possession of the town. After destroying the mili-
tary and naval stores found in the place, they re-embarked
and proceeded westward to Fairfield which was reduced
to ashes. The spirited resistance made by the militia at
this place is attested by the apology made by General
Tryon for the wanton destruction of private property
which disgraced his conduct. "The village was burnt,"
he says, " to resent the fire of the rebels from their houses
and to mask our retreat."

From Fairfield the fleet crossed the sound to Hunting-
ton bay where it remained until the nth Quly, 1779), when
it recrossed that water. The troops were landed in the
night on a peninsula on the east side of the Bay of Nor-
walk. About the same time a much larger detachment
from the British army directed its course towards Horse

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1265

Neck and made demonstrations of a design to penetrate
into the country in that direction.

On the first intelligence that Connecticut was invaded,
General Parsons, a native of that State, had been directed
by Washingfton to hasten to the scene of action. Placing
himself at the head of about 150 Continental troops who
were supported by considerable bodies of militia, he at-
tacked the British on the morning of the twelfth as soon
as they were in motion and kept up an irregular distant
fire throughout the day. But, being too weak to prevent
the destruction of any particular town on the coast, Nor-
walk was reduced to ashes, after which the British re-
embarked and returned to Huntington bay there to await
for reinforcements. At this place, however, Tryon
received orders to return to Whitestone where in a confer-
ence between Qinton and Sir George Collier it was de-
termined to proceed against New London with an in-
creased force.

On the invasion of Connecticut, Washington was
prompt in his exertions to send Continental troops from
the nearest encampments to its aid, but before they could
afford any real service Qinton found it necessary to recall
Tryon to the Hudson.

Washington had planned an enterprise against the posts
at King's Ferry, comprehending a double attack to be
made at the same time on both. But the difficulty of a
perfect co-operation of detachments, incapable of com-
municating with each other, determined him to postpone
the attack on Verplanck's and to make that part of the
plan dependent on the success of the first. His whole at-
tention, therefore, was turned to Stony Point and the
troops destined for this critical service proceeded on it as
against a single object.

The execution of the plan was intrusted by Washingfton
80

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1266 WASHINGTON.

to General Wayne who commanded the light infantry of
the army. His daring courage had long since obtained
for him the sobriquet of " Mad Anthony." He accepted
the command with alacrity. Secrecy was deemed so much
more essential to success than numbers that no addition
was made to the force already on the lines. One brigade
was ordered to commence its march so as to reach the
scene of action in time to cover the troops engaged in the
attack should any unlooked-for disaster befall them, and
Maj. Henry Lee of the light dragoons, who had been
eminently useful in obtaining the intelligence which led to
the enterprise, was associated with Wayne as far as cavalry
could be employed in such a service. The night of the
iSth (July, 1779), ^^d the hour of twelve, were chosen for
the assault.

Stony Point is a commanding hill projecting far into the
Hudson which washes three-fourths of its base. The re-
maining fourth was in a great measure covered by a deep
marsh, commencing near the river on the upper side and
continuing into it below. Over this marsh there was only
one crossing place, but at its junction with the river was a
sandy beach passable at low tide. On the summit of this
hill stood the fort which was furnished with heavy ord-
nance. Several breastworks and strong batteries were
advanced in front of the main work, and about half way
down the hill were two rows of abattis. The batteries
were calculated to command the beach and the crossing
place of the marsh, and to rake and enfilade any column
which might be advancing from either of those points
toward the fort. In addition to these defenses several
vessels of war were stationed in the river and commanded
the ground at the foot of the hill. The garrison consisted
of about 600 men commanded by Colonel Johnson.

Wayne arrived about eight in the evening at Spring-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1267

steel's, one and a half miles from the fort and made his
dispositions for the assault.

It was intended to attack the works on the right and
left flanks at the same instant. The regiments of Febiger
and of Meigs with Major Hull's detachment formed the
right column, and Butler's regiment, with two companies
under Major Murfree, formed the left. One hundred and
fifty volunteers led by Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury and
Major Posey constituted the van of the right, and lOO
volunteers under Major Stewart composed the van of the
left. At 11:30 the two columns moved to the assault,
the van of each with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets.
They were each preceded by a forlorn hope of twenty men,
the one commanded by Lieutenant Gibbon and the other
by Lieutenant Knox. They reached the marsh undis-
covered and at 12:20 commenced the assault.

Both columns rushed forward under a tremendous fire
of grape-shot and musketry. Surmounting every obstacle,
they entered the works at the point of the bayonet and
without discharging a single musket obtained possession
of the fort.

The humanity displayed by the conquerors was not less
conspicuous nor less honorable than their courage. Not
an individual suffered after resistance had ceased.

All the roops engaged in this perilous service mani-
fested a degree of ardor and impetuosity which proved
them to be capable of the most difficult enterprises, and all
distingfuished themselves whose situation enabled them to
do so. Colonel Fleury, who had distinguished himself in
defense of the forts on the Delaware in 1777, was the first
to enter the fort and strike the British standard. Major
Posey mounted the works almost at the same instant and
was the first to give the watch-word " The fort's our own."
Laeutenants Gibbon and Knox performed the service al-

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1268 WASHINGTON.

lotted to them with a degree of intrepidity which could not
be surpassed. Of twenty men who constituted the party
of the former, seventeen were killed or wounded.*

Sixty-three of the garrison were killed, inclu'ding two
officers. The prisoners amounted to 543, among whom
were i lieutenant-colonel, 4 captains, and 20 subaltern
officers. The military stores taken in the fort were con-
siderable.

The loss sustained by the assailants was not propor-
tioned to the apparent danger of the enterprise. The killed
and wounded did not exceed 100 men. Wayne, who
marched with Febiger's regiment in the right column re-
ceived a wound in the head which stunned him. Recover-
ing consciousness, but believing the wound to be mortal,
he said to his aids, ''Carry me into the fort and let me
die at the head of my column." Being supported by his
aids he entered the fort with the regiment. Lieutenant-
Colonel llay was also among the wounded.

Although the design upon Fort Fayette had yielded to
the desire of securing the success of the attack on Stony
Point it had not been abandoned. Two brigades under
General M'Dougal had been ordered to approach the
works on Verplanck's, in which Colonel Webster com-
manded, and be in readiness to attack them the instant
Wajrne should obtain possession of Stony Point That
this detachment might not permit the favorable moment
to pass unimproved Wayne had been requested to direct
the messenger who should convey the intelligence of his
success to Washington to pass through M'Dougal's camp
and give him advice of that event. He was also requested

* For their bravery and good conduct at Stony Point, Wayne
received a gold, and Stewart and Fleury silver medals, with the
thanks of Congress. A separate medal was designed and struck
for each of them.

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UFE AND TIMES. 126S

to turn the cannon of the fort against Verplanck's and the
vessels in the river. The last orders were executed and a
heavy cannonade was opened on Fort Fayette and on the
vessels, which compelled them to fall down the river.
Through some misconception, never explained, the mes-
senger dispatched by Wayne did not call on M'Dougal,
but proceeded directly to headquarters. Thus, every ad-
vantage expected from the first impression made by the
capture of Stony Point was lost, and the garrison had full
leisure to recover from the surprise occasioned by that
event and to prepare for an attack. This change of cir-
ciunstances made it necessary to change the plan of op-
eration. Washingfton ordered General Howe to take the
command of M'Dougal's detachment to which some pieces
of heavy artillery were to be annexed. He was directed,
after effecting a breach in the walls, to make the disposi-
tions for an assault and to demand a surrender, but not
to attempt a storm until it should be dark. To these or-
ders explicit instructions were added not to hazard his
party by remaining before Verplanck's after the British
should cross Croton river in force.

Through some unaccountable negligence in the persons
charged with the execution of these orders the battering
artillery was not accompanied with suitable ammunition,
and the necessary intrenching tools were not brought.
These omissions were supplied the next day, but it was
then too late to proceed against Verplanck's.

On receiving intelligence of the loss of Stony Point and
of the danger to which the garrison of Fort Fayette was
exposed, Sir Henry Qinton relinquished his views on
Connecticut and made a forced march to Dobb's Ferry.
Some troops were immediately embarked to pass up the
river and a light corps was pushed forward to the Croton.
This movement relieved Fort Fayette.

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1270 WASHINGTON.

The failure of the attempt to obtain possession of Ver-
planck's Point, leaving that road of communication still
closed, diminished the advantages which had been ex-
pected to result from the enterprise so much that it was
deemed unadvisable to maintain Stony Point. On recon-
noitering the ground Washingfton believed that the place
could not be rendered secure with a garrison of less than
1,500 men — a number which could not be spared from
the army without weakening it too much for further op-
erations. He determined, therefore, to evacuate Stony
Point and retire to the Highlands. As soon as this reso-
lution was executed Qinton repossessed himself of that
post, repaired the fortifications, and placed a stronger gar-
rison in it, after which he resumed his former situation at
Philipsburg.

ITie two armies watched each other for some time. At
length, Qinton, finding himself unable to attack Washing-
ton in the strong position he had taken or to draw him
from it, and being desirous of transferring the theater of
active war to the south, withdrew to New York and was
understood to be strengthening the fortifications erected
for its defense, as preparatory to the large detachments he
intended making to reinforce the southern army.

Although this movement was made principally with a
view to southern operations, it was in some degree has-
tened by the opinion that New York required immediate
additional protection during the absence of the fleet, which
was about to sail for the relief of Penobscot

Scarcely had Sir George Collier, who had accompanied
Qinton up the Hudson to take possession of Stony Point,
returned to New York, when he was informed that a fleet
of armed vessels with transports and troops had sailed
from Boston to attack a post which General M'Lean was
establishing at Penobscot in the eastern part of the prov-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1271

ince of Massachusetts bay. He immediately got ready for
sea that part of the naval force which was at New York,
and on the 3d of August sailed to relieve the garrison of
Penobscot.

In the month of June (1779) General M'Lean, who com-
manded the royal troops in Nova Scotia, arrived in the
bay of Penobscot with nearly 700 men, in order to estab-
lish a post which might at once be a means of checking
the incursions of the Americans into Nova Scotia and of
supplying the royal yards at Halifax with ship timber,
which abounded in that part of the country. This estab-
lishment alarmed the government of Massachusetts bay,
which resolved to dislodge M'Lean, and, with great
promptitude, equipped a fleet and raised troops for that
purpose. The fleet, which consisted of fifteen vessels of
war, carrying from thirty-two to twelve guns each with
transports, was commanded by Commodore Saltonstall;
the army, amounting to between three and four thousand
militia, was under the orders of General Lovell.

General M'Lean chose for his post a peninsula on the
east side of Penobscot bay, which is about seven leagues
wide and seventeen deep, terminating at the point where
the river Penobscot flows into it. M'Lean's station was
nine miles from the bottom of the bay. As that part of
the country was then an unbroken forest he cleared away
the wood on the peninsula and began to construct a fort
in which he was assisted and protected by the crews of
three sloops-of-war which had escorted him thither.
M'Lean h'^ard of the expedition against him on the 21st
of July (1779), when he had made little progress in the
erection of his fort. On the 25th the American fleet ap-
peared in the bay, but, owing to the opposition of the
British sloops-of-war and to the bold and rugged nature
of the shore, the troops did HQt effect ^ landing until the

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127» WASHINGTON.

28th. This interval M'Lean improved with such laborious
diligence that his fortifications were in a state of consid-
erable forwardness. Lovell erected a battery within 750
yards of the works, and for nearly a fortnight a brisk can-
nonade was kept up and preparations were made to assault
the fort. But, on the 13th of August (1779), Lovell was
informed that Sir George Collier with a superior naval
force had entered the bay ; therefore in the night he silently
embarked his troops and cannon, unperceived by the gar-
rison, which was every moment in expectation of being
assaulted.

On the approach of the British fleet the Americans, after
some show of preparation for resistance, betook them-
selves to flight. A general pursuit and unresisted destruc-
tion ensued. The Warren, a fine new frigate of thirty-two
guns, and fourteen other vessels of inferior force, were
cither blown up or taken. The transports fled in confu-
sion and, after having landed the troops in a wild and un-
cultivated part of the country, were burnt The men,
destitute of provisions and other necessaries, had to ex-
plore their way for more than 100 miles through an un-
inhabited and pathless wilderness and many of them
perished before reaching the settled country. After this
successful exploit Sir George Collier returned to New
York, where he resigned the command of the fleet to
Admiral Arbuthnot, who had arrived from England with
some ships of war and with provisions, stores, and rein-
forcements for the army.

On descending the river, after replacing the garrison
of Stony Point, Sir Henry Qinton encamped above Har-
lem, with his upper posts at Kingsbridge. Washington
remained in his strong position in the Highlands, but fre-
quently detached numerous parties on both sides of the
river in order to check the British foragers and to restrain

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UFR ANB TIMES. 1273

the intercourse with the Loyalists. Major Lee ("Light
Horse Harry"), who commanded one of those parties,
planned a bold and hazardous enterprise against the
British post at Paulus Hook on the Jersey bank of the
river, opposite New York. That post was strongly forti-
fied and of difficult access, and therefore the garrison
thought themselves secure. But Lee determined to make
an attempt on the place and chose the morning of the 20th
of August (1779) for his enterprise, when part of the gar-
rison was absent on a foraging excursion. Advancing
silently at the head of 300 men the sentinel at the gate mis-
took his party for that which had marched out the preced-
ing day, and allowed them to pass unchallenged, and
almost in an instant they seized the blockhouse and two
redoubts before the alarm was given. Major Sutherland,
commandant of the post, with sixty Hessians, entered a
redoubt and began a brisk fire on the assailants. This
gave an extensive notice of the attack, and the firing of
guns in New York, and by the shipping in the roads,
proved that the alarm was widely spread. In order, there-
fore, not to hazard the loss of his party, Lee retreated with
the loss of two men killed and three wounded, carrying
along with him about 150 prisoners. Notwithstanding
the difficulties and dangers which he had to encounter, he
effected his retreat. It was not his design to keep posses-
sion of the place, but to carry off the garrison, reflect
credit on the American arms, and encourage a spirit of
enterprise in the army.*

The expedition planned by Washington for chastising
the Indians who had committed such atrocities last year
on the frontier and particularly at Wyoming, was the most

*Lee, for this exploit at Paulus Hook, was presented with a
gold medal by Congress.

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1274: WASHINGTON.

important of this campaign. Washington intrusted the
command of it to General Sullivan. The largest division
of the army employed on that service assembled at
Wyoming. Another division, which had wintered on the
Mohawk, marched under the orders of Gen. James Qinton
and joined the main body at the confluence of the two
great sources of the Susquehannah. On the 22d of Au-
gust (1779), the united force, amounting to nearly 5,000
men, under the command of General Sullivan, proceeded
up the Cayuga or western branch of the last-named river
which led directly into the Indian country. The prepara-
tions for this expedition did not escape the notice of those
against whom it was directed, and the Indians seem fully
to have penetrated Sullivan's plan of operation. Formi-
dable as his force was they determined to meet him and try
the fortune of a battle. They were about 1,000 strong,
commanded by the two Butlers, Guy Johnson, M'Donald,
and Brandt. They chose their ground with judgment and
fortified their camp at some distance above Chemung and
within a mile of Newtown.

There Sullivan attacked them and, after a short but
spirited resistance, they retreated with precipitation. The
Americans had thirty men killed or wounded ; the Indians
left only eleven dead bodies on the field, but they were
so discouraged by this defeat that they abandoned their
villages and fields to the unresisted ravages of the victor,
who laid waste their towns and orchards, so that they
might have no inducement again to settle so near the
settlements of the whites.

The severity of this proceeding has been censured by
some writers, but it requires no apology. Nothing could
convince the savages of the injustice and inhumanity of
their usual system of warfare on the frontier so effectually
as to give them a specimen of it, even in a milder form, in

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UFE AND TIMES. 1275

their own country. Sullivan desolated their villages and
farms, but we do not learn that he took any scalps or
murdered any women or children, or tortured any of his
prisoners. The measure of retaliation which he dealt to
the miscreants who sacked Wyoming was gentleness and
humanity when compared with their proceedings. It is
only to be regretted that his retaliation could not have
been applied to the homes of the British and Tories who
assisted the Indians at Wyoming.

Sullivan and his army received a vote of thanks from
Congress, but the general's health failing, he soon resigned
his commission and retired from the service.

Sullivan's orders from Washington exculpate him from
all blame as to the mode of punishing the Indians. "Of
the expedition," Washington says, in writing to him, " the
immediate objects are the total destruction and devasta-
tion of their settlements and the capture of as many pris-
oners of every age and sex as possible." Washington
knew that this kind of warfare was the only possible
means of putting an end to Indian wars. Any other mode
of proceeding, he was fully aware, was treachery and
cruelty to his own countrymen.

A few days after the surprise of Paulus Hook by Major
Lee, the long-expected fleet from Europe, under the com-
mand of Admiral Arbuthnot, having on board a reinforce-
ment for the British army, arrived at New York. This
reinforcement, however, did not enable Qinton to enter
immediately on that active course of offensive operations
which he had meditated. It was soon followed by the
Count D'Estaing, who arrived on the southern coast of
America with a powerful fleet, after which Qinton deemed
it necessary to turn all his attention to his own security.
Rhode Island and the posts up the North river were evac-
uated and the whole army was collected in New York, the

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12r6 WASHINGTON.

fortifications of which were carried on with unremitting
industry.

The Count D'Estaing and Admiral Byron having sailed
about the same time from the coast of North America,
met in the West Indies, where the war was carried on with
various success. St Lucia surrendered to the British in
compensation for which the French took St. Vincent's and
Grenada. About the time of the capture of the latter
island D'Estaing received reinforcements which gave him
a decided naval superiority, after which a battle was fought
between the two hostile fleets, in which the count claimed
the victory and in which so many of the British ships were
disabled that the admiral was compelled to retire into port
in order to refit.

Early in May (1779) Sir Henry Clinton had dispatched
from New York a squadron under Sir George Collier with
2,500 troops under General Mathews, who entered Chesa-
peake bay, and, after taking possession of Portsmouth,
sent out parties of soldiers to Norfolk, Suffolk, Gosport,
and other places in the neighborhood, where there were
large deposits of provisions and military and naval
stores, and many merchant vessels, some on the stocks
and some laden with valuable cargoes. These were all
burnt and the whole neighborhood subjected to plunder
and devastation. This was a severe blow to the commerce
on which Congress placed great dependence for supplies
to the army and for sustaining its own credit.

In compliance with the solicitations of General Lincoln
and the authorities of South Carolina, D'Estaing directed
his course to the coast of Georgia with twenty-two ships
of the line and eleven frigates having on board 6,000
soldiers, and arrived so suddenly on the southern coast
of America that the Experiment, of fifty guns, and three
frigates, fell into his hands. A vessel was sent to Charles-

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1277

ton with information of his arrival and a plan was con-
certed for the siege of Savannah.

General Lincoln, who, after the fall of Savannah, had
been sent to Charleston to take command of the southern
department of the army, was to co-operate with D*Es-
taing's fleet and army in the siege. Instead of assaulting
the place at the earliest practicable moment, they granted
Prevost, the British commander at Savannah, an armistice
of twenty-four hours, during which he received reinforce-
ments and set them at defiance. They then commenced a
siege by regular approaches on land and cannonade and
bombardment from D'Estaing's formidable fleet in the
harbor. This lasted for three weeks.

On the 9th of October (1779), without having effected a
sufficient breach, the united French and American forces
stormed the works. Great gallantry was displayed by the
assailants. The French and American standards were both
planted on the redoubts. But it was all in vain. They were
completely repulsed, the French losing 700 and the Amer-
icans 340 men. Count Pulaski was among the slain.

The loss of the garrison was astonishingly small. In
killed and wounded it amounted only to fifty-five — so
great was the advantage of the cover afforded by their
works.

After this repulse the Count D'Estaing announced to
General Lincoln his determination to raise the siege. The
remonstrances of that officer were unavailing, and the re-
moval of the heavy ordnance and stores was commenced.
This being accomplished, both armies moved from their
ground on the evening of the i8th of October (1779).
The Americans, recrossing the Savannah at Zubly's Ferry,
again encamped in South Carolina, and the French re-
embarked. D'Estaing himself sailed with a part of his
fleet for France ; the rest proceeded to the West Indies.

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1278 WASHINGTON.

Although the issue of this enterprise was the source
of severe chagrin and mortification the prudence of Gen-
eral Lincoln suppressed every appearance of dissatisfac-
tion, and the armies separated with manifestations of re-
ciprocal esteem.

The hopes which had brought the militia into the field
being disappointed they dispersed, and the affairs of the
southern States wore a more gloomy aspect than at any
former period.

During the siege of Savannah an ingenious enterprise of
partisan warfare was executed by Colonel White of the
Georgia line. Before the arrival of the French fleet in the
Savannah, a British captain with iii men had taken post
near the river Ogeeche, twenty-five miles from Savannah.
At the same place were five British vessels, four of which
were armed, the largest with fourteen g^ns, the least with
four, and the vessels were manned with forty sailors. Late
at night, on the 30th of September (1779), White, who had
only six volunteers, including his own servant, kindled
a number of fires in different places so as to exhibit the
appearance of a considerable encampment, practiced sev-
eral other corresponding artifices, and then summoned the
captain instantly to surrender. That officer, believing that
he was about to be attacked by a superior force and that
nothing but imipediate submission could save him and his
men from destruction, made no defense. The stratagem
was carried on with so much address that the prisoners,
amounting to 141, were secured and conducted to the
American post at Sunbury, twenty-five miles distant.

On receiving intelligence of the situation of Lincoln,
Congress passed a resolution requesting Washington to
order the North Carolina troops, and such others as could
be spared from the northern army, to the aid of that in the
South and assuring the States of South Carolina and

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Georgia of the attention of government to their preserva-
tion, but requesting them, for their own defense to com-
ply with the recommendations formerly made respecting
the completion of their Continental regiments, and the
government of their militia while in actual service.

Washington had already received (November, 1779) in-
telligence of the disastrous result of D'Estaing and Lin-
coln's attack on Savannah, and had formed his plans of
operation before Congress sent assurances of aid to the
South. Giving up all expectation of co-operation from the
French fleet, he disbanded the New York and Massachu-
setts militia and made his arrangements for the winter.
He ordered one division of the army under General Heath
to the Highlands to protect West Point and the posts in
that neighborhood, and with the other division he went
into winter quarters near Morristown, the army being
quartered in huts, as at Valley Foree. The cavalry were
sent to Connecticut.

Washington had already penetrated the design of the
enemy to make the southern States their principal field of
operation, and accordingly he dispatched to Charleston
the North Carolina brigade in November, and the whole
of the Virginia line in December.

On the other hand, Clinton and Cornwallis embarked
with a large force in transports convoyed by Admiral Ar-
buthnot with a fleet of five ships of the line and several
frigates, and sailed on the 26th of December, 1779, for
Savannah. Knyphausen was left in command of the gar-
rison erf New York.*

Washington's own summary of the operations of this
campaign (1779) is contained in a letter to Lafayette in the
following terms:

♦ Irving.

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1280 WASHINGTON,

" The operations of the enemy this campaign have been
confined to the establishment of works of defense, taking"
a post at King's Ferry, and burning the defenseless towns
of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk, on the Sound,
within reach of their shipping, where little else was or could
be opposed to them than the cries of distressed women
and children; but these were offered in vain. Since these
notable exploits they have never stepped out of their works
or beyond their lines. How a conduct of this kind is to
effect the conquest of America, the wisdom of a North, a
Germaine, or a Sandwich can best decide. It is too deep
and refined for the comprehension of common under-
standings and the general nm of politicians/'

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CHAPTER XVIII.
CAMPAIGN IN THE NORTH— ARNOLD'S TREASON.

1780,

DURING the winter which followed the campaign of
1779, Washington, with his army hutted on the
heights of Morristown, was beset by pressing and
formidable difficulties. The finances of Congress were in
a most depressed condition, and the urgent wants of the
army were but ill supplied. The evils of short enlistment,
though distinctly understood and strongly felt, could not be
remedied, and the places of those men who were leaving
the army on the expiration of their stipulated term of
service could not easily be filled up. Besides, the troops
were in danger of perishing by cold and famine. During
the preceding year General Greene and Colonel Wads-
worth had been at the head of the quartermaster and com-
missary departments, and notwithstanding their utmost ex-
ertions, the wants of the army had been ill supplied. After
being put into winter quarters it was in great danger of
being dissolved by want of provisions or of perishing
through famine. The Colonial paper money was in a state
of great and and increasing depreciation, and in order to
check the alarming evil Congress, which, like other popu-
lar assemblies had in it no small share oi ignorance and
self-sufficiency, resolved to diminish the circulation and
keep up the value of their paper currency by withholding
the necessary supplies from the public agents. This fool-
81

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1282 WASHINGTON.

ish resolution threatened the ruin of the army. Nobody
was wilHng to make contracts with the public and some of
those entered into were not fulfilled.

Congress, jealous of the public agents, because ignorant
of what was really necessary, repeatedly changed the form
of its engagements with them, and, at length, by its fluc-
tuating policy, real wants, and imprudent parsimony,
brought matters to such extremities that Washington was
compelled to require the several counties of the State of
New Jersey to furnish his army with certain quantities of
provisions within six days in order to prevent them from
being taken by force. Although the province was much
exhausted, yet the people instantly complied with the
requisition and furnished a temporary supply to the army.*

Soon after Qinton sailed on his expedition against
Charleston a frost of unexampled intensity began. The
Hudson, East river, and all the waters around New York
were so completely frozen that an army with its artillery
and wagons might have crossed them in all directions
with perfect safety. New York lost all the advantages of
its insular situation and became easily accessible on every
side. The city was fortified by the British, but on account
of its insular situation, several parts being considered of
difficult access were left tmdefended. By the strength of
the ice, however, every point became exposed, and in that

* While Washington was in winter quarters at Morristown, he
requested Congress to send a committee to the camp, as had been
previously done at Valley Forge, for the purpose of giving effect
to the arrangements for the ensuing campaign, and drawing more
expeditiously from the States their respective quotas of soldiers
and supplies. Greneral Schuyler, who had retired from the army
and was then in Congress, was a member of this committee. He
rendered essential service at this time by his judgment and ex-
perience. The committee remained in camp between two and
three months.

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unforeseen emergency, Knyphausen who commanded in
the city with a garrison of 10,000 men took every prudent
precaution for his defense and fortified every vuhierable
part, but the inefficiency of the American army was his
best security. Washington easily perceived the advantages
which the extraordinary frost gave him, but from the desti-
tute state of his army he was unable to avail himself of
them. The army under his immediate command was in-
ferior in number to the garrison of New York; it was also
ill clad, scantily supplied with provisions, and in no con-
dition to undertake offensive operations.

The British had a post on Staten Island, and as the ice
opened a free communication between the island and the
New Jersey coast, Washington, notwithstanding the en-
feebled condition of his army resolved to attack the gar-
rison, and appointed Lord Stirling to conduct the enter-
prise. The night of the 14th of January (1780) was chosen
for the attempt, but, though the Americans used every
precaution, the officer commanding on Staten Island dis-
covered their intention and took effectual measures to de-
feat it. The attack was repulsed, but little loss was sus-
tained on either side.

The extreme cold occasioned much suffering in New
York by want of provisions and fuel, for as the communi-
cation by water was entirely stopped the usual supplies
were cut off. The demand for fuel in particular was so
pressing that it was found expedient to break up some
old transports, and to pull down some uninhabited wooden
houses for the purpose of procuring that necessary article.
As the British paid in ready money for provisions or fire-
wood carried within the lines many of the country people,
tempted by the precious metals, so rare among them, tried
to supply the garrison. The endeavors of the British to
encourage and protect this intercourse and the exertions

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1284: WASHINGTON.

of the Americans to prevent it brought on a sort of
partisan warfare in Which the former most frequently had
the advantage. In one of the most important of those
rencounters, early in February (1780), near White Plains,
a captain and 14 men of a Massachusetts regiment were
killed on the spot, 17 were wounded, and 90, with Colonel
Thompson, the officer who commanded the party, were
made prisoners. Washington, writing to Greneral Heath
respecting this affair, says: "It is some consolation that
our officers and men appear to have made a brave resist-
ance. I cannot help suspecting that our officers in ad-
vance quarter too long in a place. By these means the
enemy by their emissaries gain a perfect knowledge of
their cantonments and form their attacks accordingly.
Were they to shift constantly the enemy could scarcely
ever attain this knowledge."

Congress found itself placed in very difficult circum-
stances. It always contained a number of men of talents
and manifested no small share of vigor and activity.
Many erf the members were skilful in the management of
their private affairs, and having been successful in the
world thought themselves competent to direct the most im-
portant rational concerns, although unacquainted with the
principles of finance, legislation, or war. Animated by
that blind presumption which generally characterizes popu-
lar assemblies they often entered into resolutions which
discovered little practical wisdom. In pecuniary matters
they were dilatory and never anticipated trying emergen-
cies, or made provision for probable events, till they were
overtaken by some urgent necessity. Hence they were
frequently deliberating about levying troops and supply-
ing the army when the troops ought to have been in the
field, and the army fully equipped for active service. This

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UFE AND TIMES. 1285

often placed Washington in the most trying and perilous
circumstances.

Congress had solemnly resolved not to exceed
$200,000,000 in Continental bills of credit In November,
1779, the whole of that sum was issued and expended also.
The demand on the States to replenish the treasury by
taxes had not been fully complied with, and even although
it had been completely answered would not have furnished
a sum adequate to the expenses of government. Instead
of maturely considering and digesting a plan, adhering to
it, and improving it by experience. Congress often changed
its measures, and even in the midst of those distresses
which had brought the army to the verge of dissolution,
was busy in devising new and untried expedients for sup-
porting it. As the treasury was empty and money could
not be raised, Congress, on the 2Sth of February (1780),
resolved to call on the several States for their proportion
of provisions, spirits, and forage for the maintenance of
the army during the ensuing campaign, but specified no
time within which these were to be collected, and con-
sequently the States were in no haste in the matter. In
order to encourage and facilitate compliance with this
requisition it was further resolved that any State which
should have taken the necessary measures for furnishing
its quota, and given notice thereof to Congress, should be
authorized to prohibit any Continental quartermaster or
commissary from purchasing within its limits.

Every man who had a practical knowledge of the sub-
ject easily perceived the defective nature and dangerous
tendency of this arrangement. It was an attempt to carry
on the war rather by separate provincial efforts than by a
combination of national strength, and if the army received
from any State where it was acting the appointed quantity
of necessaries it had no right, though starving, to pur-

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1286 WASHINGTON.

chase What it stood in need of. Besides the carriage of pro-
visions from distant parts was troublesome, expensive, and
sometimes impracticable.

The troops were ill clothed, their pay was in arrear, and
that of the officers, owing to the g^eat depreciation of the
paper currency, was wholly unequal to their decent main-
tenance. These multiplied privations and sufferings
soured the temper of the men, and it required all the in-
fluence of Washington to prevent many of the officers
from resigning their commissions. The long continuance
of want and hardship produced relaxation of discipline
which at length manifested itself in open mutiny. On the
2Sth of May (1780) two regiments belonging to Connecti-
cut paraded under arms, with the avowed intention of re-
turning home, or of obtaining subsistence at the point
of the bayonet. The rest of the soldiers, though they did
not join in the mutiny, showed little disposition to sup-
press it. At length the two regiments were brought back
to their duty, but much murmuring and many complaints
were heard. While the army was in such want the in-
habitants of New Jersey, where most of the troops were
stationed, were unavoidably harassed by frequent requisi-
tions, which excited considerable discontent.

Reports of the mutinous state of the American army
and of the dissatisfaction of the people of New Jersey,
probably much exaggerated, were carried to General
Knyphausen, who, believing the American soldiers ready
to desert their standards and the inhabitants of New
Jersey willing to abandon the Union, on the 6th of June
(1780), passed from Staten Island to Elizabethtown, in
Jersey, with 5,000 men. That movement was intended to
encourage the mutinous disposition of the American
troops, and to fan the flame of discontent among the in-
habitants of the province. Early next morning he marched

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into the country toward Springfield by the way of Con-
necticut Farms, a flourishing plantation, so named because
the cultivators had come from Connecticut. But even be-
fore reaching that place which was only five or six miles
from Elizabethtown, the British perceived that the re-
ports which they had received concerning the discontent
of the Americans were incorrect, for on the first alarm
the militia assembled with great alacrity and aided by
some small parties of regular troops, annoyed the British
by an irregular but galling fire of musketry, wherever the
nature of the ground presented a favorable opportunity,
and although those parties were nowhere strong enough
to make a stand, yet they gave plain indications of the
temper and resolution which were to be encountered in
advancing into the country.

At Connecticut Farms the British detachment halted.
The settlers were known to be zealous in the American
cause and therefore with a little spirit of revenge, the
British, among whom was General Tryon, laid the flourish-
ing village, with its church and the minister's house, in
ashes. Here occurred one of those affecting incidents
which being somewhat out of the ordinary course of the
miseries of war make a deep impression on the public
mind. Mr. Caldwell, minister of the place, had withdrawn
toward Springfield, but had left his wife and family behind
believing them to be in no danger. The British advanced
to the industrious and peaceful village. Mrs. Caldwell,
trusting to her sex for safety and unsuspicious of harm,
was sitting in her house with her children around her
when a soldier came up, levelled his musket at the window,
and shot her dead on the spot in the midst of her terrified
family. On the intercession of a friend the dead body was
permitted to be removed when the house was set on fire.

This atrocious deed excited such general horror and

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1288 WASHINGTON.

detestation that the British thought proper to disavow it,
and to impute the death of Mrs. CaldweU to a random
shot from the retreating militia, though the militia did not
fire a musket in the village. The wanton murder of the
lady might be the unauthorized act of a savage individual,
but can the burning of the house after her death be ac-
counted for in the same way? Knyphausen was a veteran
officer and cannot be supposed capable of entering into
local animosities or of countenancing such brutality, but
Tryon was present and his conduct on other occasions was
not unblemished.

Mr. Caldwell had rendered 'himself particularly ob-;
noxious to the enemy, and was cordially hated by Tryon
for his zealous devotion to the patriotic cause. He had
served as a chaplain in the army, was exceedingly popular
among the patriots of New Jersey, had given up his church
to be used as a hospital, and had exerteid himself by
eloquent appeals to arouse his countrymen to unflinching^
resistance against the enemy. For this Tryon caused his
church to be burnt and did not prevent the soldiers from
shooting his wife.

After destroying the Connecticut Farms, Knyphausen
advanced toward Springfield, where the Jersey brigade,
under General Maxwell, and a larg^ body of militia had
taken an advantageous position and seemed resolved to
defend it. General Knyphausen, however, had met with a
reception so different from what he expected that without
making any attempt on the American post he withdrew
during the night to Elizabethtown.

On being informed of the invasion of New Jersey,
Washington put his army in motion early on the morning
of the day in which Knyphausen marched from Elizabeth-
town and proceeded to the Short hills behind Springfield,
while the British were in the vicinity of that place. Feeble

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as his armx was, he made the necessary dispositions for
fighting, but the unexpected retreat of Knyphausen ren-
dered a battle unnecessary. The British were followed by
an American detachment, which attacked their rear guard
next morning but was repulsed. Instead of returning to
New York, Knyphausen lingered in the vicinity of Eliza-
bethtown and on Staten Island, and Washington, unwill-
ing with his inadequate force to hazard an engagement
except on advantageous ground, remained on the hills near
Springfield to watch the movements of the British army.
At that time the army under the immediate orders of
Washington did not exceed 4,000 effective men.

On the i8th of June (1780), Sir Henry Qinton returned
from South Carolina with about 4,000 men, and after re-
ceiving this reinforcement the British force in New York
and its dependencies amounted to 12,000 effective and
regular troops, most of whom could be brought into the
field for any particular service; besides these, the British
commander had about 4,000 militia and refugees for gar-
rison duty. The British army directed on any one point
would have been irresistible; therefore Washington could
only follow a wary policy, occupying strong ground, pre-
senting a bold front, and concealing the weakness of his
army as far as possible.

The embarkation of troops by Sir Henry Qinton
awakened the apprehensions of Washington lest he should
sail up the Hudson and attack the posts in the Highlands.
Those posts had always been objects of much solicitude
to Washington, and he was extremely jealous of any at-
tack upon them. In order to be in readiness to resist any
such attack, he left General Greene at Springfield, with
700 Continentals, the Jersey militia, and some cavalry, and
proceeded toward Pompton with the main body of the
army.

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1290 WASHINGTON.

Sir Henry Clinton, after having perplexed the Ameri-
cans by his movements, early on the morning of the 23d
of June (1780), rapidly advanced in full force from Eliza-
bethtown toward Springfield. General Greene hastily as-
sembled his scattered detachments and apprised Washing-
ton of the march of the royal army, who instantly returned
to support Greene's division. The British marched in two
columns — one on the main road leading to Springfield
and the other on the Vauxhall road.

Greene scarcely had time to collect his troops at Spring-
field and make the necessary dispositions when the royal
army appeared before the town and a cannonade immedi-
ately began. A fordable rivulet, with bridges correspond-
ing to the different roads, runs in front of the place.
Greene had stationed parties to g^ard the bridges and
they obstinately disputed the passage, but after a smart
conflict they were overpowered and compelled to retreat

Greene then fell back and took post on a range of hills,
where he expected to be again attacked. But the British,
instead of attempting to pursue their advantage, contented
themselves with setting fire to the village and laying the
greater part of it in ashes. Discouraged by the obstinate
resistance they had received and ignorant of the weakness
of the detachment which opposed them, they immediately
retreated to Elizabethtown, pursued with the utmost ani-
mosity by the militia, who were provoked at the burning
of Springfield. They arrived at Elizabethtown about sun-
set, and, continuing their march to Elizabeth Point, beg^
at midnight to pass over to Staten Island. Before 6 next
morning they had entirely evacuated the Jerseys and re-
moved the bridge of boats which communicated with
Staten Island.

In the skirmish at Springfield the Americans had about
20 men killed and 60 wotmded. The British suffered a

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UFE AND TIMES. 1291

corresponding loss. Qinton's object in this expedition
seems to have been to destroy the American magazines in
that part of the country. But the obstinate resistance
which he met with at Springfield deterred him from ad-
vancing into a district abounding in difficult passes, where
every strong position would be vigorously defended. He
seems also to have been checked by the apprehension of a
fleet and army from France.

Washington was informed of Qinton's march soon after
the British left Elizabethtown, but, though he hastily re-
turned, the skirmish at Springfield was over before he
reached the vicinity of that place.

After ainton left the Jerseys, Washington planned an
enterprise against a British post at Bergen point, on the
Hudson, opposite New York, garrisoned by seventy Loyal-
ists. It was intended to reduce the post and also to carry
off a number of cattle on Bergen Neck, from which the
garrison of New York occasionally received supplies of
fresh provisions. General Wayne was appointed to con-
duct the enterprise. With a respectable force he marched
against the post, which consisted of a blockhouse covered
by an abattis and palisade. Wayne pointed his artillery
against the blockhouse, but his field pieces made no im-
pression on the logs. Galled by the fire from the loop-
holes, some of his men rushed impetuously through the
abattis and attempted to storm the blockhouse, but they
were repulsed with considerable loss. Though the Ameri-
cans, however, failed in their attempt against the post, they
succeeded in driving off most of the cattle.

On the commencement of hostilities in Europe, Lafay-
ette, as we have seen, returned home in order to offer his
services to his King, still, however, retaining his rank in
the army of Congress. His ardor in behalf of the Ameri-
cans remained unabated and he exerted all his influence

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1292 WASHINGTON.

with the court of Versailles to gain its effectual support
to the United States. His efforts were successful and the
King of France resolved vigorously to assist the Ameri-
cans both by sea and land. Having gained this important
point, and perceiving that there was no need for his mili-
tary services in Europe, he obtained leave from his sov-
ereign to return to America and join his former compan-
ions in arms. He landed at Boston toward the end of
April (1780), and, on his way to Congress, called at the
headquarters of Washington and informed him of the pow-
erful succor which might soon be expected from France.
He met with a most cordial reception both from Congress
and Washington on account of his high rank, tried friend-
ship, and distinguished services.

The assistance expected from their powerful ally was
very encouraging to the Americans, but called for corre-
sponding exertions on their part. Washington found him-
self in the most perplexing circumstances; his army was
feeble, and he could form no plan for the campaign till he
knew what forces were to be put under his orders. His
troops, both officers and privates, were ill clothed and
needed to be decently apparelled before they could be led
into the field to co-operate with soldiers in respectable uni-
forms, for his half-naked battalions would only have been
objects of contempt and derision to their better-dressed
allies. In order to supply these defects and to get his
army in a state of due preparation before the arrival of
the European auxiliaries, Washington made the most
pressing applications to Congress and to the several State
Legislatures. Congress resolved and recommended, but
the States were dilatory, and their tardy proceedings ill
accorded with the exigencies of the case or with the ex-
pectations of those who best understood the affairs of the
Union. Even on the 4th of July (1780), Washington had

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UFE AND TIMES. 1293

the mortification to find that few new levies had arrived
in camp and some of the States had not even taken the
trouble to inform him of the number of men they intended
to furnish.

In the month of June the State of Massachusetts had
resolved to send a reinforcement, but no part of it had
yet arrived. About the same time a voluntary subscrip-
tion was entered into in Philadelphia for the purpose of
providing bounties to recruits to fill up the Pennsylvania
line, and the President or Vice-President in council was
empowered, if circumstances required it, to put the State
under martial law.

The merchants and other citizens of Philadelphia, with
a zeal guided by that sound discretion which turns expendi-
ture to the best account, established a bank, for the sup-
port of which they subscribed i3 15,000, Pennsylvania
money, to be paid, if required, in specie, the principal ob-
ject of which was to supply the army with provisions. By
the plan of this bank its members were to derive no emolu-
ment whatever from the institution. For advancing their
credit and their money they required only that Congress
should pledge the faith of the Union to reimburse the costs
and charges of the transaction in a reasonable time, and
should give such assistance to its execution as might be
in their power.

The ladies of Philadelphia, too, gave a splendid example
of patriotism by large donations for the immediate relief
of the suffering army.* This example was extensively

* It is pleasant to know that Mrs. Washington was at the head
of this movement Dr. Spencer says: " In all parts of the country
the women displayed great zeal and activity, particularly in pro-
viding clothing for the soldiers. In Philadelphia they formed a
society, at the head of which was Martha Washington, wife of the
G>mmander-in-Chief. This lady was as prudent in private affairs

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1294 WASHINGTON.

followed, but it is not by the contributions of the generous
that a war can or ought to be maintained. The purse of
a nation alone can supply the expenditures of a nation,
and when all are interested in a contest all ought to con-
tribute to its support. Taxes and taxes only can furnish
for the prosecution of a national war means which are just
in themselves or competent to the object. Notwithstand-
ing these donations the distresses of the army, for clothing
especially, still continued and were the more severely felt
when a co-operation with French troops was expected.
So late as the 20th of June (1780) Washington informed
Congress that he still labored under the painful and humili-
ating embarrassment of having no shirts for the soldiers,
many of whom were destitute of that necessary article.
" For the troops to be without clothing at any time," he
added, " is highly injurious to the service and distressing
to our feelings, but the want will be more peculiarly mor-
tifying when they come to act with those of our allies. If
it be possible, I have no doubt immediate measures will
be taken to relieve their distress.

"It is also most sincerely wished that there could be
some supplies of clothing furnished to the officers. There
are a great many whose condition is still miserable. This
is, in some instances, the case with the whole lines of the

as her husband was in public. She alone presided over their
domestic finances, and provided for their common household.
Thus it was owing to the talents and virtues of his wife, that
Washington could give himself wholly to the dictates of that
patriotism which this virtuous pair mutually shared and recipro-
cally invigorated. Mrs. Washington, Mrs. Reed, Mrs. Bache, the
daughter of Dr. Franklin, with the other ladies who had formed
the society, themselves subscribed considerable sums for the pub-
lic; and having exhausted their own means, they exerted their
influence, and went from house to house to stimulate the liberality
of others."

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1295

States. It would be well for their own sokes and for the
public good if they could be furnished. They will not be
able, when our friends come to co-operate with us, to go
on a common routine of duty, and if they should, they
must, from their appearance, be held in low estimation."

This picture presents in strong colors the real patriotism
of the American army. One heroic effort, though it may
dazzle the mind with its splendor, is an exertion most men
are capable of making, but continued patient suffering and
unremitting perseverance in a service promising no per-
sonal emolument and exposing the officer unceasingly not
only to wants of every kind, but to those circumstances of
humiliation which seem to degrade him in the eyes of
others, demonstrate a fortitude of mind, a strength of vir-
tue, and a firmness of principle which ought never to be
forgotten.

Washington was greatly embarrassed by liis uncertainty
with respect to the force which he might count upon to
co-operate with the expected succors from France. Writ-
ing to Congress on this subject he said : " The season is
come when we have every reason to expect the arrival of
the fleet, and yet, for want of this point of primary conse-
quence, it is impossible for me to form a system of co-op-
eration. I have no basis to act upon, and, of course, were
this generous succor of our ally now to arrive, I should
find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, and pain-
ful situation. The general and the admiral, from the re-
lation in which I stand, as soon as they approach our
coast, will require of me a plan of the measures to be pur-
sued, and there ought of right to be one prepared; but,
circumstanced as I am, I cannot even give them con-
jectures. From these considerations I have suggested to
the committee, by a letter I had the honor of addressing
them yesterday, the indispensable necessity of their writing

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1296 WASHINGTON.

again to the States, urging them to give immediate and
precise information of the measures they have taken and
of the result The interest of the States, the honor and
reputation of our councils, the justice and gratitude due
to our allies, all require that I should, without delay, be
enabled to ascertain and inform them what we can or can-
not undertake. There is a point which ought now to be
determined, on the success of which all our future opera-
tions may depend, on which, for want of knowing our
prospects, I can make no decision. For fear of involving
the fleet and army of our allies in circumstances which
would expose them, if not seconded by us, to material
inconvenience and hazard, I shall be compelled to suspend
it, and the delay may be fatal to our hopes."

While this uncertainty still continued, the expected suc-
cors from France, consisting of a fleet of eight ships of
the line, with frigates and other vessels, under the
Chevalier de Temay, having about 6,000 troops on board
under General the Count de Rochambeau, reached Rhode
Island on the evening of the loth of July (1780), and in
a few days afterward Lafayette arrived at Newport from
Washington's headquarters to confer with his countrjrmen.

At the time of the arrival of the French in Rhode Island,
Admiral Arbuthnot had only four sail of the line at N<ew
York, but in a few days Admiral Graves arrived from Eng-
land with six sail of the line, which gave the British a de-
cided superiority over the French squadron, and therefore
Sir Henry Clinton, without delay, prepared for active
operations. He embarked about 8,000 men and sailed
with the fleet to Huntington bay, in Long Island, with the
intention of proceeding against the French at Newport
The militia of Massachusetts and Connecticut were or-
dered by Washington to join the French forces in Rhode

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GENERAL FRANCIS MARION.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1^97

Island, and the combined army there thought itself able
to give the British a good reception.

As the garrison of New York was weakened by the sail-
ing of the armament under Ointon, Washington, having
received considerable reinforcements, suddenly crossed
the North river ahd advanced toward New York; that
movement brought Qinton back to defend the place and
consequently Washington proceeded no further in his
meditated enterprise.

rrhe want of money and of all necessaries still continued
in the American camp, and the discontent of the troops,
gradually increasing, was matured into a dangerous spirit
of insubordination. The men, indeed, bore incredible
hardships and privations with unexampled fortitude and
patience, but the army was in a state of constant fluctua-
tion; it was composed, in a great measure, of militia
harassed by perpetual service and obliged to neglect the
cultivation of their farms and their private interests in
order to obey the calls of public duty, and of soldiers on
short enlistments, who never acquired the military spirit
and habits.

In consequence of an appointment, Washington and
suite set out to a conference with Count Rochambeau and
Admiral de Temay, and on the 21st of September (1780)
met them at Hartford, in Connecticut, where they spent
a few days together, and conversed about a platt for the
next campaign.

The conference was useful in making the respective
commanders well acquainted with each other, and pro-
moting a spirit of harmony between them; but it led to
no settled plan for the next campaign. A plan of opera-
tions for the combined forces, which had been drawn up
by Washington and sent to Rochambeau by Lafayette
when he went to Newport, had contemplated the superior-
82

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1298 WASHINGTON.

ity of the naval force of the French, which had now ceased
to exist in consequence of the arrival of Admiral Graves
with a fleet of six ships of the line. It was consequently
agreed that nothing could be done in the way of offensive
movements until the arrival of a second division of the
French fleet and army from Brest, which was expected,
or that of the Count de Guichen from the West Indies.
In the sequel, neither of these arrivals took place. The
second French division was blockaded at Brest, and never
came to this country, and de Guichen sailed direct to
France from the West Indies. Meantime Admiral Ar-
buthnot blockaded the French fleet at Newport, and Ro-
chambeau's army remained there for its protection. Both
the parties remained watching each other's movements,
and depending on the operations of the British and French
fleets. Washington crossed the Hudson to Tappan and
remained there till winter.

Washington did not relinquish without infinite chagrin
the sanguine expectations he had formed of rendering this
campaign decisive of the war. Never before had he in-
dulged so strongly the hope of happily terminating the
contest. In a letter to an intimate friend, this chagrin was
thus expressed : " We are now drawing to a close an ina-
active campaign, the beginning of which appeared preg-
nant with events of a very favorable complexion. I hoped,
but I hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening which
would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits
and restore me to domestic life. The favorable disposition
of Spain, the promised succor from France, the com-
bined force in the West Indies, the declaration of Russia
(acceded to by other powers of Europe, humiliating the
naval pride and power of Great Britain), the superiority
of France and Spain by sea in Europe, the Irish claims
and English disturbances, formed in the aggregate an

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UFE AND TIMES. 1299

opinion in my breast (which is not very susceptible of
peaceful dreams), that the hour of deliverance was not far
distant; for that, however unwilling Great Britain might
be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to
continue the contest. But, alas, these prospects, flattering
as they were, have proved delusive, and I see nothing be-
fore us but accumulating distress. We have been half of
our time without provisions and are likely to continue so.
We have no magazines nor money to form them. We
have lived upon expedients until we can live no longer.
In a word, the history of the war is a history of false
hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and econ-
omy. It is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our
business to do so. Our case is not desperate if virtue
exists in the people, and there is wisdom among our
rulers. But to suppose that this great revolution can be
accomplished by a temporary army, that this army will be
subsisted by State supplies and that taxation alone is
adequate to our wants is in my opinion absurd, and as
unreasonable as to expect an inversion of the order of
nature to accommodate itself to our views. If it were
necessary it could be easily proved to any person of a
moderate understanding that an annual army or any army
raised on the spur of the occasion besides being unquali-
fied for the end designed is, in various ways that could be
enumerated, ten times more expensive than a permanent
body of men under good organization and military dis-
cipline, which never was nor will be the case with raw
troops. A thousand arguments, resulting from experience
and the nature of things, might also be adduced to prove
that the army, if it is to depend upon State supplies, must
disband or starve, and that taxation alone (especially at
this late hour) cannot furnish the means to carry on the
war. Is it not time to retract from error and benefit by

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1300 WASHINGTON.

experience? Or do we want further proof of the ruinous
system we have pertinaciously adhered to ? "

While the respective armies were in the state of inaction
to which we have just referred, the whole country was
astounded by the discovery of Arnold's treason. The de-
tails of this sad affair disclosed traits in the character of
this officer which were previously unknown, and, by the
public generally, unsuspected.

The great service and military talents of General Arnold,
his courage in battle and patient fortitude under excessive
hardships had secured to him a high place in the opinion
of the army and of his country. Not having sufficiently
recovered from the wounds received before Quebec and at
Saratoga to be fit for active service, and having large ac-
counts to settle with the government, which required
leisure, he was, on the evacuation of Philadelphia in 1778,
appointed to the command in that place.

Unfortunately that strength of principle and correctness
of judgment which might enable him to resist the various
seductions to which his fame and rank exposed him in the
metropolis of the Union, were not associated with the
firmness which he had displayed in the field and in the
most adverse circumstances. Yielding to the tempta-
tions of a false pride and forgetting that he did not possess
the resources of private fortune, he indulged in the pleas-
ures of a sumptuous table and expensive equipage, and
soon swelled his debts to an amount which it was impos-
sible for him to discharge. Unmindful of his military char-
acter, he engaged in speculations which were unfortunate,
and with the hope of immense profits took shares in
privateers which were unsuccessful. His claims against
the United States were great and he looked to them for
the means of extricating himself from the embarrassments
in which his indiscretions had involved him ; but the com-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1301

missioners to whom his accounts were referred for settle-
ment had reduced them considerably, and on his appeal
from their decision to Congress, a committee reported that
the sum allowed by the commissioners was more than he
was entitled to receive.

He was charged with various acts of extortion on the
citizens of Philadelphia, and with peculating on the public
funds.* Not the less soured by these multiplied causes of
irritation, from the reflection that they were attributable
to his own follies and vices, he gave full scope to his re-
sentments, and indulged himself in expressions of angry
reproach against what he termed the ingratitude of his
country, which provoked those around him, and g^ve g^eat
offense to Congress. Having become peculiarly odious to
the government of Pennsylvania, the executive of that
State (President Reed, formerly aid to Washington) ex-
hibited formal charges against him to Congress, who di-
rected that he should be arrested and brought before a
court-martial. His trial was concluded late in January,
1779, and he was sentenced to be reprimanded by the Com-
mander-in-Chief. This sentence was approved by Con-
gress and carried into execution.!

* While these charges were hanging over his head, Arnold
courted and married Miss Shippen, a young lady, not yet eighteen,
the daughter of Mr. Edward Shippen, of Philadelphia.

t The terms in which this reprimand were conceived are char-
acteristic of Washington's delicacy and forbearance to an old
trusted companion in arms. " Our service," — such were his words,
— " is the chastest of all. Even the shadow of a fault tarnishes the
lustre of our finest achievements. The least inadvertence may
rob us of the public favor, so hard to be acquired. I reprimand
you for having forgotten, that in proportion as you had rendered
yourself formidable to our enemies, you should have been guarded
and temperate in your deportment toward your fellow-citizens.

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1302 WASHINGTON.

From the time the sentence against him was approved,
if not sooner, his proud unprincipled spirit revolted from
the cause of his country and determined him to seek an
occasion to make the objects of his resentment the victims
of his vengeance. Turning his eyes on West Point as an
acquisition which would give value to treason and inflict
a mortal wound on his former friends, he sought the com-
mand of that fortress for the purpose of gratifying both
his avarice and his hate.

To New York the safety of West Point was peculiarly
interesting, and in that State the reputation of Arnold was
particularly high. To its delegation he addressed himself;
and one of its members had written a letter to Washing-
ton, suggesting doubts respecting the military character
of General Robert Howe, to whom its defense was then
intrusted, and recommending Arnold for that service.
This request was not forgotten. Some short time after-
ward General Schuyler mentioned to Washington a letter
he had received from Arnold intimating his wish to join
the army, but stating his inability, in consequence of his
wounds, to perform the active duties of the field. Wash-
ington observed that, as there was a prospect of a vigorous
campaign he should be gratified with the aid of General
Arnold — that so soon as the operations against New York
should commence, he designed to draw his whole force
into the field, leaving even West Point to the care of in-
valids and a small garrison of militia. Recollecting, how-
ever, the former application of a member of Congress re-
specting this post, he added that "if, with this previous
information, that situation would be more agreeable to

Elxhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you on the
list of our most valued commanders. I will myself furnish you,
as far as it may be in my power, with opportunities of gaining
the esteem of your country/'

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UFE AND TIMES. 1303

him than a command in the fields his wishes should cer-
tainly be indulged."

This conversation being communicated to Arnold, he
caught eagerly at the proposition, though without openly
discovering any solicitude on the subject, and in the be-
ginning of August (1780) repaired to camp, where he
renewed the solicitations which had before been made
indirectly.

At this juncture Clinton embarked on an expedition he
meditated against Rhode Island, and Washington was
advancing on New York. He offered Arnold the left
wing of the army, which he declined under the pretexts
mentioned in his letter to Schuyler.

Incapable of suspecting a man who had given such dis-
tingfuished proofs of courage and patriotism, Washington
was neither alarmed at his refusal to embrace so splendid
an opportunity of recovering the favor of his countrymen
nor at the embarrassment accompanying that refusal.
Pressing the subject no further, he assented to the request
which had been made and invested Arnold with the com-
mand of West Point. Previous to his soliciting this station
Arnold had, in a letter to Colonel Robinson, of the BritisTi
army, signified his change of principles, and his wish to
restore himself to the favor of his prince by some signal
proof of his repentance. This letter opened the way to
a correspondence with Clinton, the immediate object of
which, after obtaining the appointment he had solicited,
was to concert the means of delivering the important post
he commanded to the British general.

Major John Andre, an aide-de-camp of Clinton, and
adjutant-general of the British army, was selected as the
person to whom the maturing of Arnold's treason, and the
arrangements for its execution should be intrusted. A
correspondence was carried on between them under a

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1304 WASHINGTON.

mercantile disguise in the feigned names of Gustavus and
Anderson; and at length, to facilitate their commimica-
tions, the Vulture, sloop-of-war, moved up the North
river and took a station convenient for the purpose, but
not so near as to excite suspicion.

The time when Washington met Rochambeau at Hart-
ford was selected for the final adjustment of the plan,
and as a personal interview was deemed necessary Andr6
came up the river and went outboard the Vulture. The
house of a Mr. Smith, without the American posts, was
appointed for the interview, and to that place both parties
repaired in the night — Andre being brought imder a
pass for John Anderson in a boat dispatched from the
shore. While the conference was yet unfinished, daylight
approached, and to avoid discovery Arnold proposed that
Andrd should remain concealed until the succeeding night.
They continued together diu*ing the day, and when, in the
following night, his return to the Vulture was prc^osed,
the boatmen refused to carry him because she had shifted
her station during the day, in consequence of a gun which
was moved to the shore without the knowledge of Arnold
and brought to bear upon her. This embarrassing circum-
stance reduced him to the necessity oi endeavoring to
reach New York by land. To accomplish this purpose, he
reluctantly yielded to the urgent representations of Arnold,
and laying aside his regimentals, which he had hitherto
worn under a surtout, put on a plain suit of clothes and
received a pass from Arnold, autihorizing him, under the
name of John Anderson, to proceed on the public service
to White Plains or lower if he thought proper.

With this permit he had passed all the guards and posts
on the road unsuspected and was proceeding to New York
in perfect security, when one of three militiamen* who

*The names of these militiamen were John Paulding, David
Williams, and Isaac Van Wart.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1305

were employed between the lines of the two armies, spring-
ing suddenly from his covert into the road, seized the
reins of his bridle and stopped his horse. Losing his ac-
customed self possession, Andrd, instead of producing the
pass from Arnold, asked the man hastily where he belonged.
He replied, "To below," a term implying that he was
from New York. ''And so," said Andre, not suspecting
deception, "am I." He then declared himself to be a
British oflBcer on urgent business, and begged that he
might not be detained. . The appearance of the other
militiamen disclosed his mistake too late to correct it.
He offered a purse of gold and a valuable watch, with
tempting promises erf ample reward from his government
if they would permit him to escape; but his offers were
rejected, and his captors proceeded to search him. They
found concealed in his stockings, in Arnold's handwriting,
papers containing all the information which could be im-
portant respecting West Point. When carried before
Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, the officer commanding the
scouting parties on the lines, he maintained his assumed
character and requested Jameson to inform his command-
ing officer that Anderson was taken. Jameson dispatched
an express with this communication. On receiving it,
Arnold comprehended the full extent of his danger, and
flying from well-merited punishment took refuge on board
the Vulture.

When sufficient time for the escape of Arnold was sup-
posed to have elapsed, Andre, no longer effecting con-
cealment, acknowledged himself to be the adjutant-general
of the British army. Jameson, seeking to correct the mis-
chief of his indiscreet communication to Arnold, imme-
diately dispatched a packet to the Commander-in-Chief
containing the papers which had been discovered, with a

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1306 WASHINGTON.

letter from Andre relating the manner of his capture and
accounting for the disguise he had assumed.

The express was directed to meet the Commander-in-
Chief, who was then on his return from Hartford, but,
taking different roads, they missed each other, and a de-
lay attended the delivery of the papers, which insured the
escape of Arnold.

Washington, with Generals Lafayette and Knox, had
turned from the direct route in order to visit a redoubt
Colonels Hamilton and M'Henry, the aides-de-camp of
Washington and Lafayette, went forward to request Mrs.
Arnold not to wait breakfast. Arnold received Andre's
billet in their presence. He turned pale, left them sud-
denly, called his wife, communicated the intelligence to
her, and left her in a swoon, without the knowledge of
Hamilton and M'Henry. Moimting the horse of his aide-
de-camp, which was ready saddled, and directing him to in-
form Wasfhing^on on his arrival that Arnold was gone to
receive him at West Point, he gained the river shore, and
was conveyed in a canoe to the Vulture.

Washington, on his arrival, was informed that Arnold
awaited him at West Point. Taking it for granted that
this step had been taken to prepare for his reception he
proceeded thither without entering the house, and was
surprised to find that Arnold was not arrived. On return-
ing to the quarters of that oflBcer he received Jameson's
dispatch which disclosed the whole mystery.

Every precaution was immediately taken for the security
of West Point, after which the attention of the Commander-
in-Chief was turned to Andre. A board of general of-
ficers, of which General Greene was president, and La-
fayette and Steuben were members, was called, to report
a precise state of his case, and to determine the character
in which he was to be considered, and the punishment to
which he was liable.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1307

The frankness and magnanimity with which Andre had
conducted himself from tlie time of his appearance in his
real character had made a very favorable impression on
all those with whom he had held any intercourse. From
this cause he experienced every mark of indulgent atten-
tion which was compatible with his situation, and, from
a sense of justice as well as of delicacy, was informed, on
the opening of the examination that he was at liberty not
to answer any interrogatory which might embarrass his
own feelings. But, as if only desirous to rescue his char-
acter from imputations which he dreaded more than death,
he confessed everything material to his own condemna-
tion, but would divulge nothing which might involve others.

The board reported the essential facts which had ap-
peared, with their opinion that Major Andre was a spy
and ought to suffer death. The execution of this sen-
tence was ordered to take place on the day succeeding
that on which it was pronounced.

Superior to the terrors of death, but dreading disgrace,
Andr6 was deeply affected by the mode of execution which
the laws of war decree to persons in his situation. He
wished to die like a soldier not as a criminal. To obtain
a mitigation of his sentence in this respect he addressed
a letter to Washington, replete with the feelings of a man
of sentiment and honor. But the occasion required that
the example should make its full impression, and this re-
quest could not be granted. He encountered his fate with
composure and dignity, and his whole conduct interested
the feelings of all who witnessed it.

The general officers lamented the sentence which the
usages of war compelled them to pronounce, and never
perhaps did the Commander-in-Chief obey with more re-
luctance the stern mandates of duty and policy. The
sympathy excited among the American officers by his fate

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1308 WASHINGTON.

was as universal as it is unusual on such occasions, and
proclaims alike the merit of him who suffered, and the
humanity of those who inflicted the punis-hment.

Great exertions were made by Sir Henry Clinton, to
whom Andre was particularly dear, first, to have him con-
sidered as protected by a flag of truce, and afterward as
a prisoner of war.

Even Arnold had the hardihood to interpose. After
giving a certificate of facts tending, as he supposed, to
exculpate the prisoner, exhausting his powers of reasoning
on the case, and appealing to the humanity of Washing-
ton, he sought to intimidate that officer by stating the
situation of many of the most distinguished individuals of
South Carolina, who had forfeited their lives, But had
hitherto been spared through the clemency of the British
general. This clemency, he said, could no longer be ex-
tended to them should Major Andre suffer.

It may well be supposed that the interposition of Arnold
could have no influence on Washington. He caused Mrs.
Arnold to be conveyed to her husband in New YorlJ, and
also transmitted his clothes and baggage, for which he
had written, but in every other respect his letters, which
were unanswered, were also unnoticed.

The night after Arnold's escape, when his letter respect-
ing Andre was received, the general directed one of his
aides to wait on Mrs. Arnold, who was convulsed with
gprief, and inform her that he had done everything which
depended on him to arrest her husband, but that, not
having succeeded, it g^ve him pleasure to inform her that
her husband was safe. It is honorable to the American
character that, during the effervescence of the moment,
Mrs. Arnold was permitted to go to Philadelphia to take
possession of her effects, and to proceed to New York

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UPE AND TIMES. 1309

under the protection of a flag without receiving the slight-
est insult.

This treatment of Mrs. Arnold by Washington is the
more remarkable for its delicacy when we recollect that
she was under very strong suspicions at the time of being
actively concerned in the treason of her husband. His-
torians are still divided on the question of her guilt or
innocence.

The mingled sentiments erf admiration and compassion
excited in every bosom for the unfortunate Andr6, seemed
to increase the detestation in which Arnold was held.
"Andr6/' said General Washington in a private letter,
"has met his fate with that fortitude which was to be ex-
pected from an accomplished man and a gallant officer,
but I am mistaken if at this time Arnold is undergoing the
torments of a mental hell. He wants feeling. From some
traits of his character which have lately come to my knowl-
edge, he seems to have been so hardened in crime, so lost
to all sense of honor and shame, that while his faculties
still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there will
be no time for remorse."

The traits in his character above alluded to, were dis-
closed in a private letter from Hamilton, who said: " This
man (Arnold) is in every sense despicable. In addition to
the scene of knavery and prostitution during his command
in Philadelphia, which the late seizure of his papers has
unfolded, the history of his command at West Point is a
history of little as well as great villainies. He practiced
every dirty act of peculation, and even stooped to con-
nections with the sutlers to defraud the public."*

* " I am inclined to believe that Arnold was a finished scoundrel
from early manhood to his grave; nor do I believe that he had

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1310 WASHINGTON.

From motives of policy, or of respect for his engage-
ments, Sir Henry Clinton conferred on Arnold the com-
mission of a brigadier-general in the British service, which
he preserved throughout the war. Yet it is impossible that
rank could have rescued him from the contempt and de-
testation in which the generous, and honorable, and the
brave could not cease to hold him. It was impossible
for men of this description to bury the recollection of his
being a traitor — a sordid traitor — first the slave of his
rage, then purchased with gold, and finally secured at the
expense of the blood of one of the most accomplished
oflBcers in the British army.

His representations of the discontent of tEe country
and of the army, concurring with reports from other
quarters, had excited the hope that the Loyalists and the
dissatisfied, allured by British gold and the prospect of
rank in the British service, would flock to his standard
and form a corps at whose head he might again display
his accustomed intrepidity. With this hope he published
an address to the inhabitants of America in which he
labored to palliate his own g^ilt, and to increase their dis-
satisfaction iwith the existing state of things.

This appeal to the pubMc was followed by a proclama-
tion addressed " To the oflBcer^ and soldiers of the Con-
tinental army, who have the real interests of their country
at heart, and who are determined to be n?3 longer the
tools and dupes of Congress or of France."

The object of this proclamation was to induce the pi-
ficers and soldiers to desert the cause they had embraced
from principle by holding up to them the very flattering

any real and true-hearted attachment to the Whig cause. He
fought as a mere adventurer, and took sides from a calculation of
i^ersonal gain, and chances of plunder and advancement" — Sabine*s
"American Loyalists," p. 131.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1311

offers erf the British general, and contrasting the sub-
stantial emoluments of the British service with their
present deplorable condition. He attempted to cover this
dishonorable proposition with a decent garb, by represent-
ing the base step he invited them to take as the only
measure which could restore peace, real liberty, and hap-
piness to their country.

These inducements did not produce their intended ef-
fect. Although the temper of the army might be irritated
by real suffering, and by the supposed neglect of govern-
ment, no diminution of patriotism had been produced.
Through all the hardships, irritations, and vicissitudes of
the war Arnold remains the solitary instance of an Ameri-
can officer who abandoned the side first embraced in this
civil contest, and turned his sword upon his former com-
panions in arms.

In the whole course of this affair of Arnold's treason,
Washington, according to the habitually religious turn of
his mind, distinctly recognized the hand of Divine Provi-
dence. Writing to Col. John Laurens he says: "In no
instance since the commencement of the war has the in-
terposition of Providence appeared more remarkably con-
spicuous than in the rescue of the post and garrison of
West Point from Arnold's villainous perfidy. How far he
meant to involve me in the catastrophe of this place does
not appear by any indubitable evidence, and I am rather
inclined to think he did not wish to hazard the more im-
portant object of his treachery by attempting to combine
two events, the less of which might have marred the
greater. A combination of extraordinary circumstances,
an unaccountable deprivation of presence of mind in a man
of the first abilities, and the virtue of three militiamen,
threw the adjutant-general of the British forces, with full
proofs of Arnold's treachery, into our hands. But for the

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1312 WASHINGTON.

egregious folly, or the bewildered conception, of Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Jameson, who seemed lost in astonishment
and not to know what he was doing, I should undoubtedly
have got Arnold."

Arnold, however, had not yet displayed the whole of his
character. Savage revenge and ruthless cruelty were yet
to become apparent in his conduct as an officer in the
British service. It seems to have been the design of Provi-
dence that Americans, in all ages, should learn to detest
treason by seeing it exhibited in all its hideous deformity,
in the person of "Arnold, the traitor."*

* On the third of November it was resolved, " That Congress
have a high sense of the virtuous and patriotic conduct of John
Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wart; in testimony
whereof, ordered, that each of them receive annually $200 in
specie, or an equivalent in the current money of these States, dur-
ing life, and that the Board of War be directed to procure for
each of them a silver medal, on one side of which shall be a shield,
with this inscription — Fidelity; and on the other, the following
motto — ViNciT AMOR PATi^, and forward them to the Com-
mander-in-Chief, who is requested to present the same, with a
copy of this resolution, and the thanks of Congress for their
fidelity, and the eminent service they have rendered their country."

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CHAPTER XIX.
OPERATIONS AT THE SOUTH.

178a

ALTHOUGH Washington was aware that the British
were aiming at the conquest of the southi^ia States
he still considered the middle States to be the main
theater of war, and felt the necessity of reserving his main
force for the defense of that portion of the Union. He
did not believe that the possession by the Briti^ of a few
posts in the South would contribute much to the purposes
of the war, and he sent no more troops to that part of the
cotmtry than he could conveniently spare from the main
army. Writing to Lafayette in Paris, after the fall of
Savannah (8th March, 1779), he says: "Nothing of im-
portance has happened since you left us except the
enemy's invasion of Georgia and possession of its capital,
which, though it may add something to their supplies on
the score of provisions, will contribute very little to the
brilliancy of their arms; for, like the defenseless Island of
St. Lucia,* it only required the appearance of force to
effect the conque~st of it, as the whole militia of the State
did not exceed 1,200 men, and many of them disaffected.
General Lincoln is assembling a force to dispossess them,
and my only fear is that he will precipitate the attempt
before he is fully prepared for the execution."

♦This was a recent conquest of the British fleet in the W«8t
Indies.

83

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1314 WASHINGTON,

As early as September, 1778, General Lincoln had been
appointed to supersede Gen. Robert Howe in the com-
mand of the southern army. Lincoln had baffled the at-
tempts of General Prevost on South Carolina, and had
commanded the American forces in the unsuccessful siege
of Savannah, acting in concert with D'Estaing. He was
still in command at Oiarleston when Qinton, whose de-
parture from New York on an expedition to the South
we have already noticed, made his descent on South Caro-
lina. In this command at Charleston General Lincoln
unfortunately labored under great disadvantages and dis-
couragements.

The failure of the attack on Savannah (in which bom-
bardment 1,000 lives were lost. Count Pulaski, the Polish
patriot, was mortally wounded, and the simple-hearted
Sergeant Jasper died grasping the banner presented to his
regiment at Fort Moultrie), with the departure of the
French fleet from the coast of America, presented a gloomy
prospect and was the forerunner of many calamities to the
southern States. By their courage and vigor the northern
provinces had repelled the attacks of the enemy and dis-
couraged future attempts against them. And although
having bravely defended Sullivan's Island, in 1776, the
southern colonists were latterly less successful than their
victorious brethren in the North. The rapid conquest of
Georgia and the easy march of Prevost to the very gates of
Charleston had a discouraging effect and naturally ren-
dered the southern section vulnerable to attack. In the
North the military operations of 1778 and 1779 had pro-
duced no important results, and, therefore, the late trans-
actions in Georgia and South Carolina more readily at-
tracted the attention of the British Commander-in-Chief
to those States.

Savannah, the chief town of Georgia, as we have already
seen, was in the hands of the British troops, and had been

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1315

succesfully defended against a combined attack of the
French and Americans, and therefore Sir Henry Clinton
resolved to gain possession of Charleston also, the capital
of South Carolina, which would give him the command of
all the southern parts of the Union. Having made the
necessary preparations he sailed, as we have seen, from
New York on the 26th of December, 1779, under convoy
of Admiral Arbuthnot, but did not arrive at Savannah till
the end of January (1780). The voyage was tempestuous;
some of the transports and victuallers were lost, others
shattered, and a few taken by the American cruisers.
Most of the cavalry and draught horses perished. One
of the transports, which had been separated from the fleet
and captured by the Americans, was brought into Charles-
ton on the 23d of January, and the prisoners gave the first
certain notice of the destination of the expedition.

As soon as it was known that an armament was fitting
out at New York many suspected that the southern States
were to be assailed, and such was the unhappy posture of
American affairs at that time, that no sanguine expecta-
tions of a successful resistance could be reasonably enter-
tained. The magazines of the Union were everywhere
almost empty, and Congress had neither money nor credit
to replenish them. The army at Morristown, under the
immediate orders of Washington, was threatened, as we
have seen, with destruction by want of provisions, and con-
sequently could neither act with vigor in the North, nor
send reinforcements to the South.

General Lincoln, though aware of his danger, was not
in a condition to meet it. On raising the siege of Savan-
nah he had sent the troops of Virginia to Augusta; those
of South Carolina were stationed partly at Sheldon, op-
posite Port Royal, between thirty and forty miles north
from Savannah, and partly at Fort Moultrie, which had

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1316 WASHINGTON.

been allowed to fall into decay; those of Ncwth Carolina
were with General Lincoln at Charleston. All these de-
tachments formed but a feeble force, and to increase it
was not easy, for the Colonial paper money was in a state
of great depreciation; the militia, worn out by a harassing
service, were reluctant again to repair to the standards of
th^r country, and the brave defense of Savannah had in-
spired the people of the southern provinces with intimidat-
ing notions of British valor. The patriotism of many of
the Colonists had evaporated; they contemplated nothing
but the hardships and dangers of the contest and recoiled
from the protracted struggle.

In these discouraging circumstances Congress recom-
mended the people of South Carolina to arm their slaves,
a measure to which they were generally averse; although,
had they been willing to comply with the recommenda-
tion, arms could not have been procured. Washington
had, as we have already seen, ordered the Continental
troops of North Carolina and Virginia to march to Charles-
ton, and four American frigates, two French ships of war;
the one mounting twenty-six and the other eighteen guns,
with the marine force of South Carolina under Commodore
Whipple, were directed to co-operate in the defense of the
town. No more aid could be expected; yet, under these
unpromising circumstances, a full house of assembly re-
solved to defend Charleston to the last extremity.

Although Qinton had embarked at New York on the
26th of December, 1779, yet, as his voyage had been
stormy and tedious, and as some time had been necessarily
spent at Savannah, it was the nth of February, 1780, be-
fore he landed on John's Island, thirty miles south from
Charleston. Had he even then marched rapidly upon the
town he would probably have entered it without much op-
position, but mindful of his repulse in 1776 his progress

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UFE AND TIMES. 1317

was marked by a wary circumspection. He proceeded by
the islands of St. John and St. James, while part of his
fleet advanced to blockade the harbor. He sent for a re-
inforcement from New York, ordered General Prevost to
join him with i,ioo men from Savannah, and neglected
nothing that could insure success.

General Lincoln was indefatigable in improving the time
which the slow progress of the royal army afforded him.
Six himdred slaves were employed in constructing or re-
pairing the fortifications of the town; vigorous thougji not
very successful measures were taken to bring the militia
into the field; and all the small detachments of regular
troops were assembled in the capital. The works which
had been beg^n on Charleston Neck when General Prevost
threatened the place were resumed. A chain of redoubts,
lines, and batteries was formed between the Cooper and
Ashley rivers. In front of each flank the works were cov-
ered by swamps extending from the rivers; those opposite
swamps were connected by a canal; between the canal and
the works were two strong rows of abattis, and a ditch
double picketed, with deep holes at short distances, to
break the columns in case of an assault. Toward the
water works were thrown up at every place where a land-
ing was practicable. The vessels intended to defend the
bar of the harbor having been found insufficient for that
purpose, their guns were taken out and planted on the
ramparts, and the seamen were stationed at the batteries.
One of the ships, which was not dismantled, was placed in
the Cooper river to assist the batteries, and several ves-
sels were sunk at the mouth of the channel to prevent the
entrance of the royal fleet. Lincoln intended that the town
should be defended until such reinforcements would arrive
from the North as, together with the militia of the State,
would compel Clinton to raise the siege. As the regular

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1318 WASHINGTON.

troops in the town did not exceed 1400, a council of war
found that the garrison was too weak to spare detach-
ments to obstruct the progress of the royal army. Only
a small party of cavalry and some light troops were or-
dered to hover on its left flank and observe its motions.

While these preparations for defense were going on in
Charleston the British army was cautiously but steadily
advancing toward the town. As he proceeded Qinton
erected forts and formed magazines at proper stations,
and was careful to secure his communications with those
forts and with the sea. All the horses of the British army
had perished in the tedious and stormy voyage from New
York to Savannah, but on landing in South Carolina
Clinton procured others to mount his dragoons, whom he
formed into a light corps, under the command of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Tarleton. That officer was extremely ac-
tive in covering the left wing of the army and in dispersing
the militia. In one of his excursions he fell in with Lieut-
Col. William Washington, who commanded the remnant
of Baylor's regiment, and who beat him back with loss.

On the 20th of March (1780) the British fleet, under
Admiral Arbuthnot, consisting of i ship of 50 guns, 2 of
44 each, 4 of 32 each, and an armed vessel, passed the
bar in front of Rebellion Road, and anchored in Five
Fathom Hole.

It being now thought impossible to prevent the fleet
from passing Fort Moultrie, and taking such stations in
Cooper river as would enable them to rake the batteries
on shore, and to close that communication between the
town and country, the plan of defense was once more
changed, and the armed vessels were carried into the
mouth of Cooper river, and sunk in a line from the town
to Shute's Folly.

This was the critical moment for evacuating the town.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1319

The loss of the harbcw rendered the defense of the place,
if not desperate, so improbable, that the hope to maintain
it could not have been rationally entertained by a person
who was not deceived by the expectation of aids much
nxwe considerable than were actually received.

When this state of things was communicated to Wash-
ington by Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens he said in reply:
" The impracticability of defending the bar, I fear, amounts
to the loss of the town and garrison. At this distance it
is impossible to judge for you. I have the greatest con-
fidence in General Lincoln's prudence, but it really ap-
pears to me that the propriety of attempting to defend the
town depended on the probability of defending the bar,
and that when this ceased, the attempt ought to have been
relinquished. In this, however, I suspend a definitive judg-
ment, and wish you to consider what I say as confidential."
Unfortunately this letter did not arrive in time to influence
the conduct of the besieged.

On the 9th of April (1780), Admiral Arbuthnot, taking
advantage of a strong southerly wind and a flowing tide,
passed Fort Moultrie* and anchored just without reach of
the guns of Charleston. The fort kept up a heavy fire on
the fleet while passing which did some damage to the ships
and killed or wounded twenty-seven men.

On the 29th of March the royal army reached Ashley
river and crossed it ten miles above the town without op-
position, the garrison being too weak to dispute the pas-
sage. Sir Henry Clinton having brought over his artillery,
baggage, and stores marched down Charleston Neck, and
on the night of the ist of April, broke ground at the dis-
tance of 800 yards from the American works.

♦ The reader will recollect that Fort Moultrie received its name
from its defense by Colonel Moultrie in 1776.

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1320 WASHINGTON.

The fortifications of Charleston were constructed under
the direction of Mr. Laumoy, a French engineer of reputa-
tion in the American service, and, although not calctdated
to resist a regular siege, were by no means contemptible ;
and Clinton made his approaches in due form. Meanwhile
the garrison received a reinforcement of 700 Continentals
tmder General Woodford, and, after this accession of
strength, amounted to somewhat more than 2,000 regular
troops, besides 1,000 militia of North Carolina, and the
citizens of Charleston.

On the 9th of April (1780) Clinton finished his first
parallel, forming an oblique line between the two rivers,
from 600 to 1,100 yards from the American works, and
mounted his guns in battery. He then, jointly with the
admiral, summoned Lincoln to surrender the town.
Lincoln's answer was modest and firm: "Sixty days,"
said he, "have passed since it has been known that your
intentions against this town were hostile, in which time
was afforded to abandon it, but duty and inclination point
to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity."

On receiving this answer Qinton immediately opened
his batteries, and his fire was soon felt to be superior to
that of the besieged. Hitherto the communication with
tlje country north of the Cooper was open and a post was
established to prevent the investiture of the town on that
side. After the summons. Governor Rutledge, with half
of his council, left the town for the purpose of exercising
the functions of the executive government in the State, and
in the hope of being able to bring a large body of the
militia to act on the rear or left flank of the besieging army,
but the militia were as little inclined to embody themselves
as to enter the town.

For the purpose of maintaining the communication with
the country north of the Cooper, of checking the British

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UFE AND TIMES. 1321

foragers, and of protecting supplies on their way to the
town, the American cavah-y, under General Huger, had
passed the river and taken post at Monk's Corner, thirty
miles above Charleston. Posts of militia were established
between the Cooper and Santee and at a ferry on the last-
named river, where boats were ordered to be collected in
order to facilitate the passage of the garrison, if it should
be found necessary to evacuate the town. But Qinton
defeated all these precautions. For as the possession of
the harbor rendered the occupation of the forts to the
southward unnecessary, he resolved to call in the troops
which had been employed in that quarter, to close the
communication of the garrison with the country to the
northward, and to complete the investiture of the town.
For these purposes, as the fleet was tmable to enter the
Cooper river, he deemed it necessary to dislodge the
American posts and employed Tarleton to beat up the
quarters of General Huger's cavalry at Monk's Comer.
Conducted during the night by a negro slave through im-
frequented paths, Tarleton proceeded toward the American
post, and, although General Huger had taken the precau-
tion of placing sentinels a mile in front of his station and
of keeping his horses saddled and bridled, yet Tarleton
advanced so rapidly that, notwithstanding the alarm was
given by the outposts, he began the attack before the
Americans could put themselves in a posture of defense,
killed or took about thirty of them, and dispersed the rest.
General Huger, Colonel Washington, and many others
made good their retreat through the woods. Such as es-
caped concealed themselves for several days in the swamps.
The horses taken by the British fell very seasonably into
their hands, as they were not well mounted. After this
decisive blow it was some time before any armed party
of the Americans ventured to show themselves south of

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1322 WASHINGTON.

the Santee. That part of the country was lai3 open to the
British, who established posts in such a way as completely
to inclose the garrison. The arrival of 3,000 men from
New York greatly increased the strength of the besiegers.

The second parallel was completed, and it daily became
more apparent that the garrison must ultimately submit
An evacuation of the town was proposed and Lincoln
seems to have been favorable to the measure, but the gar-
rison could scarcely have escaped, and the principal inhab-
itants entreated the general not to abandon them to the
fury of the enemy.

The British troops on the north of the Cooper were
increased, and Comwallis was appointed to command in
that quarter. On the 20th April (1780) General Lincoln
again called a council of war to deliberate on the measures
to be adopted. The council recommended a capitulation ;
tenns were offered, but rejected, and hostilities recom-
menced. After the besiegers had begun their third par-
allel. Colonel Henderson made a vigorous sally on their
right, which was attended with some success ; but, owing
to the weakness of the garrison, this was the only attempt
of the kind during the siege.

After the fleet passed it. Fort Moultrie became of much
less importance than before, and part of the garrison was
removed to Charleston. The admiral, perceiving the un-
finished state of the works on the west side, prepared to
storm it. On the 7th of May, everything being ready for
the assault, he summoned the garrison, consisting of 200
men, who, being convinced of their inability to defend the
place, surrendered themselves prisoners of war without
firing a gun. On the same day the cavalry which had
escaped from Monk's Comer, and which had reassembled
under the command of Colonel White, were again sur-
prised and defeated by Colonel Tarleton. After Corn-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1323

wallis had passed the Cooper and made himself master
of the peninsula between that river and the Santee, he
occasionally sent out small foraging parties. Apprised of
that circumstance, Colonel White repassed the Santee, fell
in with and took one of those parties, and dispatched
an express to Colonel Buford, who commanded a regi-
ment of new levies from Virginia, requesting him to
cover his retreat across the Santee at Lanneau's ferry,
where he had ordered some boats to be collected to
carry his party over the river. Colonel White reached
the ferry before Buford's arrival, and, thinking himself in
no immediate danger, halted to refresh his party. Com-
wallis, having received notice of his incursion, dispatched
Tarleton in pursuit, who, overtaking him a few minutes
after he had halted, instantly charged him, killed or took
about thirty of the party, and dispersed the rest.

Charleston was now completely invested, all hopes of
assistance had been cruelly disappointed, and the garrison
and inhabitants were left to their own resources. The
troops were exhausted by incessant duty and insufficient
to man the lines. Many of the g^ns were dismounted,
the shot nearly expended, and the bread and meat almost
entirely consumed. The works of the besiegers were
pushed very near the defenses of the town, and the issue
of an assault was extremely hazardous to the garrison and
inhabitants. In these critical circumstances. General Lin-
coln summoned a council of war, which recommended a
capitulation. Terms were accordingly proposed, offering
to surrender the town and garrison on condition that the
militia and armed citizens should not be prisoners of war,
but should be allowed to return home without molestation.
These terms were refused, hostilities were recommenced,
and preparations for an assault were in progress. The
citizens, who had formerly remonstrated against the 3e-

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1324 WASHINGTON.

parture of the garrison, now became damorous for a sur-
render. In this hopeless state Lincc^ offered to give up
the place on the terms which Clinton had formerly pro-
posed The offer was accepted and the capitulation was
signed on the 12th of May (1780).

The town and fortifications, the shipping, artillery, and
all public stores were to be given up as they then were;
the garrison, consisting of the Continental troops, miUtia,
sailors, and citizens who had borne arms during the siege,
were to be prisoners of war; the garrison were to march
out of the town and lay down their arms in front of the
works, but their dnuns were not to beat a British march,
and their colors were not to be tmcased; the Continental
troops and sailors were to be conducted to some place
afterward to be agreed on, where they were to be well
supplied with wholesome provisions until exchanged; the
militia were to be allowed to go home on parole ; the offi-
cers were to retain their arms, baggage, and servants, and
they might sell their horses, but were not permitted to take
them out of Charleston ; neither the persons nor property
of the militia or citizens were to be molested so long as
they kept their parole.*

On these terms the garrison of Charleston marched out
and laid down their arms, and General Leslie was ap-
pointed by Qinton to take possession of the town. The
siege was more obstinate than bloody. The besiegers had
76 men killed and 189 wounded ; the besieged had 92 killed

* It will be seen in the sequel that the^e terms were basely
violated. The men and officers who had surrendered prisoners
of war were compelled to enter the British service, robbed of their
property, sent to prison-ships, and the army and the citizens sub-
jected to every species of outrage. This conduct of the British
was mainly instrumental in their final ignominious expulsion from
the southern States.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1325

and 148 wounded ; about 20 of the inhabitants were killed
in their houses by random shots. The number of prison-
ers reported by Qinton amounted to upward of 5,000, ex-
clusive of sailors, but in that return all the freemen of the
town capable of bearing arms, as well as the Continental
soldiers and militia, were included. The number of Con-
tinental troops in the town amounted only to 1,777, about
500 of whom were in the hospital. The eflfective strength
of the garrison was between 2,000 and 3,000 men. The
besieging army consisted of about 9,000 of the best of the
British troops.

After the British got possession of the toym the arms
taken from the Americans, amounting to 5,000 stand, were
lodged in a laboratory near a large quantity of cartridges
and loose powder. By incautiously snapping the muskets
and pistols the powder ignited and blew up the house, and
the burning fragments, which were scattered in all direc-
tions, set fire to the workhouse, jail, and old barracks, and
consumed them. The British guard stationed at the place,
consisting of fifty men, was destroyed, and about as many
other persons lost their lives on the disastrous occasion.

Qinton carried on the.siege in a cautious but steady and
skilful manner. Lincoln was loaded with undeserved
blame by many of his countrymen, for he conducted the
defense as became a brave and intelligent officer. The
error lay in attempting to defend the town, but, in tfie
circumstances in which Lincoln was placed, he was almost
unavoidably drawn into that course. It was the desire of
the State that the capital should be defended, and Con-
gress, as well as North and South Carolina, had encour-
aged him to expect that his army would be increased to
9,000 men — a force which might have successfully resisted
all the efforts of the royal army. But neither Congress
nor the Carolinas were able to fulfil the promises which

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1326 WASHINGTON.

they had made, for the militia were extremely backward
in taking the field, and the expected number of Continent-
als could not be furnished. Lincoln, therefore, was left
to defend the place with only about one-third of the force
which he had been encouraged to expect. At any time
before the middle of April he might have evacuated the
town, but the civil authority then opposed his retreat,
which soon afterward became difficult, and ultimately im-
practicable.

At General Lincoln's request Congress passed a resolve
directing the Commander-in-Chief to cause an inquiry to
be made concerning the loss of Charleston and the conduct
of General Lincoln while commanding in the southern de-
partment. Washington, who knew Lincoln's merit well,
determined to give Congress time for reflection before
adopting any measure which had the least appearance of
censure. The following extract from his letter to the
President of Congress (loth July, 1780) points out clearly
the impropriety of the hasty proceedings which had been
proposed in regard to this able and deserving officer:

"At this time," Washington writes, " I do not think that
the circumstances of the campaign would admit, at any
rate, an inquiry to be gone into respecting the loss of
Charleston, but, if it were otherwise, I do not see that it
could be made so as to be completely satisfactory either
to General Lincoln or to the public, unless some gentle-
men could be present who have been acting in that quar-
ter. This, it seems, would be necessary on the occasion,
and the more so as I have not a single document or paper
in my possession concerning the department, and a copy of
the instructions and orders which they may have been
pleased to give General Lincoln from time to time and
of their correspondence. And besides the reasons against
the inquiry at this time, General Lincoln being a prisoner

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UFE AND TIMES. 1327

of war, his situation, it appears to me, must preclude one
till he is exchanged, supposing every other obstacle were
out of the question. If Congress think proper, they will
be pleased to transmit to me such papers as they may have
which concern the matters of inquiry, that there may be
no delay in proceeding in the business when other circum-
stances will permit."

The fall of Charleston was matter of much exultation to
the British and spread a deep gloom over the aspect of
American affairs. The southern army was lost, and,
although small, it could not soon be replaced. In the south-
em parts of the Union there had always been a consider-
able number of persons friendly to the claims of Britain.
The success of her arms roused all their lurking partiali-
ties, gave decision to the conduct of the wavering, encour-
aged the timid, drew over to the British cause all those
who are ever ready to take part with the strongest, and
discouraged and intimidated the friends of Congress.

Qinton was perfectly aware of the important advantage
which he had gained, and resolved to keep up and deepen
the impression on the public mind by the rapidity of his
movements and the appearance of his troops in different
parts of the country. For that purpose he sent a strong
detachment under Comwallis over the Santee toward the
frontier of North Carolina. He dispatched an inferior
force into the center of the province, and sent a third up
the Savannah to Aiugusta. These detachments were in-
structed to disperse any small parties that still remained
in arms, and to show the people that the British troops
were complete masters of South Carolina and Georgia.

Soon after passing the Santee, Comwallis was informed
that Colonel Buford was lying, with 400 men, in perfect
security, near the border of North Carolina. He immedi-
ately dispatched Colonel Tarleton, with his cavalry, named

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1328 WASHINGTON.

the Legion, to surprise that party. After performing a
march of 104 miles in fifty-four hours, Tarleton, at the
head of 700 men, overtook Buford on his march, at the
Waxhaws, and ordered him to surrender, offering him
the same terms which had been granted to the garrison of
Charleston. On Buford's refusal, Tarleton instantly
charged the party, who were dispirited and unprepared for
such an onset. Most of them threw down their arms and
made no resistance, but a few continued firing, and an in-
discriminate slaughter ensued of those who had submitted
as well as of those who had resisted. Many begged for
quarter, but no quarter was given. Tarleton's quarter be-
came proverbial throughout the Union and certainly ren-
dered some subsequent conflicts more fierce and bloody
than they would otherwise have been. Buford and a few
horsemen forced their way through the enemy and es-
caped ; some of the infantry, also, who were somewhat in
advance, saved themselves by flight, but the regiment was
almost annihilated. Tarleton stated that 113 were killed
on the spot, 150 left on parole, so badly wounded that they
could not be removed, and 53 brought away as prisoners.
So feeble was the resistance made by the Americans that
the British had only 12 men killed and 5 wounded. The
slaughter on this occasion excited much indignation in
Ameryca. The British endeavored to justify their conduct
by asserting that the Americans resumed their arms after
having pretended to submit, but such of the American
officers as escaped from the carnage denied the allegation.
For this exploit, Tarleton was highly praised by Com-
waUis.

After the defeat of Buford there were no parties in South
Carolina or Georgia capable of resisting the royal detach-
ments. The force of Congress in those provinces seemed
annihilated and the spirit of opposition among the in-

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1329

habitants was greatly subdued. Many, thinking it vain to
contend against a power which they were unable to with-
stand, took the oath of allegiance to the King or gave
their parole not to bear arms against him.

In order to secure the entire submission of that part of
the country, military detachments were stationed at the
most commanding points, and measures were pursued for
settling the civil administration and for consolidating the
conquest of the provinces. So fully was Qinton con-
vinced of the subjugation of the country and of the sin-
cere submission of the inhabitants, or of their inability to
resist, that, on the 3d of June (1780), he issued a procla-
mation, in which, after stating that all persons should take
an active part in settling and securing his majesty's gov-
ernment and in delivering the country from that anarchy
which for some time had prevailed, he discharged from
their parole the militia who were prisoners, except those
only who had been taken in Charleston and Fort Moultrie,
and restored them to all the rights and duties of inhabit-
ants ; he also declared that such as should neglect to return
to their allegiance should be treated as enemies and rebels.

This proclamation was unjust and impolitic. Proceed-
ing on the supposition that the people of those provinces
were subdued rebels, restored by an act of clemency to
the privileges and duties of citizens, and forgetting that
for upward of four years they had been exercising an in-
dependent authority, and that the issue of the war only
could stamp on them the character of patriots or rebels.
It might easily have been foreseen that the proclamation
was to awaken the resentment and alienate the affections
of those to whom it was addressed. Many of the Colonists
had submitted in the fond hope of being released, under
the shelter of the British government, from that harassing
service to which they had lately been exposed, and of be-
84

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1330 WASHINGTON.

ing allowed to attend to their own affairs in a state of
peaceful tranquillity; but the proclamation dissipated this
delusion and opened their eyes to their real situation.
Neutrality and peace were what they desired, but neutrality
and peace were denied them. If they did not range them-
selves under the standards of Congress, they must, as
British subjects, appear as militia in the royal service. The
people sighed for peace, but, on finding that they must
fight on one side or the other, they preferred the banners
of their country and thought they had as good a right to
violate the allegiance and parole which Qinton had im-
posed on them as he had to change their state from that
of prisoners to that of British subjects without their con-
sent. They imagined that the proclamation released them
from all antecedent obligations. Not a few, without any
pretense of reasoning on the subject, deliberately resolved
to act a deceitful part and to make professions of submis-
sion and allegiance to the British government so long as
they found it convenient, but with the resolution of joining
the standards of their country on the first opportunity.
Such duplicity and falsehood ought always to be repro-
bated, but the unsparing rapacity with which the inhabit-
ants were plundered made many of them imagine that no
means of deception and vengeance were unjustifiable.

Hitherto the French fleets and troops had not afforded
much direct assistance to the Americans, but they had
impeded and embarrassed the operations of the British
Commander-in-Chief. He had intended to sail against
Charleston so early as the month of September, 1779, but
the unexpected appearance of Cotmt D'Estaing on the
southern coast had detained him at New York till the latter
part of December. It was his intention, after the reduction
of Charleston, vigorously to employ the whole of his force
in the subjugation of the adjacent provinces, but informa-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1331

tion, received about the time of the surrender of tHe town,
that Monsieur de Ternay, with a fleet and troops from
France, was expected on the American coast, deranged his
plan and induced him to return to N-ew York with the
greater part of his army, leaving Cornwallis at the head
of 4,000 men to prosecute the southern conquests. Qin-
ton sailed from Oiarleston on the 5th of June.

After the reduction oi Oiarleston and the entire defeat
of all the American detachments in those parts, an unusual
calm ensued for six weeks. Imagining that South Carolina
and Georgia were reannexed to the British empire in
sentiment as well as in appearance, Cornwallis now medi-
tated an attack on North Carolina. Impatient, however,
as he was of repose, he could not carry his purpose into
immediate execution. The great heat, the want of maga-
zines, and the impossibility of subsisting his army in the
field before harvest, compelled him to pause. But the
interval was not lost. He distributed his troops in such
a manner in South Carolina and the upper parts of Georgia
as seemed most favorable to the enlistment of young men
who could be prevailed on to join the royal standard ; he
ordered companies of royal militia to be formed; and he
maintained a correspondence with such of the inhabitants
of North Carolina as were friendly to the British cause.
He informed them of the necessity he was under of post-
poning the expedition into their country, and advised
them to attend to their harvest and to remain quiet till
the royal army advanced to support them. Eager, how-
ever j to manifest their zeal and entertaining ^anguine hopes
of success, certain Tories disregarded his salutary advice
and broke out into premature insurrections, which were
vigorously resisted and generally suppressed by the
patriots, who were the more numerous and determined
party. But one band of Tories, amounting to 800 men.

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1332 WASHINGTON.

under a Colonel Bryan, marched down the Yadkin to a
British post at the Cheraws and afterward reached
Camden.

The people of North Carolina were likely to prove much
more intractable than those of South Carolina and Geor-
gia. They were chiefly descendants of Scotch-Irish set-
tlers— stem Presbyterians and ardent lovers of liberty.
"^Tien Tryon was their governor, they had resisted his
tyranny under the name of Regulators, and at Mecklen-
burg had published a declaration of independence more
than a year before Congress took the same attitude of
defiance. Such were the North Carolinians ; and their State
was destined to be the scene of many battles in which the
power of Britain was bravely resisted.

Having made the necessary dispositions Comwallis in-
trusted the command on the frontier to Lord Rawdon
and returned to Charleston in order to organize the civil
government of the province and to establish such regu-
lations as circumstances required. But Comwallis showed
himself more a soldier than a politician, and more a tyrant
than either. Instead of endeavoring to regain, by kindness
and conciliation, the good will of a people whose aflfec-
tions were alienated from the cause in which he was
engaged, Comwallis attempted to drive them into alle-
giance by harshness and severity. Indeed, many of the
British ofiicers viewed the Americans merely in the light
of rebels and traitors, whose lives it was indulgence to
spare; treated them not only with injustice, but with in-
solence and insult more intolerable than injustice itself;
and exercised a rigor which greatly increases the miseries
without promoting the legitimate purposes of war.

By the capitulation of Charleston, the citizens were
prisoners on parole, but siKcessive proclamations were
published, each abridging the privileges of prisoners more

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1333

than that which had gone before. A board of police was
established for the administration of justice, and before
that board British subjects were allowed to sue for debts,
but prisoners were denied that privilege; they were liable
to prosecution for debts, but had no security for what was
owing them, except the honor of their debtors, and that,
in many instances, was found a feeble guarantee. If they
complained they were threatened with close confinement;
numbers were imprisoned in the town and others consigned
to dungeons at a distance from their families. In short,
every method, except that of kindness and conciliation,
was resorted to in order to compel the people to become
British subjects. A few, who had always been well af-
fected to the royal cause, cheerfully returned to their
allegiance, and many followed the same course from
convenience. To abandon their families and estates and
encounter all the privations of fugitives required a degree
of patriotism and fortitude which few possessed.

In that melancholy posture of American affairs, many
of the ladies of Charleston displayed a remarkable degree
of zeal and intrepidity in the cause of their country. They
gloried in the appellation of rebel ladies, and declined in-
vitations to public entertainments given by the British
officers, but crowded to prison ships and other places of
confinement to solace their suffering countrymen. While
they kept back from the concerts and assemblies of the
victors they were forward in showing sympathy and kind-
ness toward American officers whenever they met them.
They exhorted their brothers, husbands, and sons to an
unshrinking endurance in behalf of their country, and
cheerfully became the inmates of their prison and the com-
panions of their exile — voluntarily renouncing affluence
and ease and encountering labor, penury, and privation.

For some time the rigorous measures of the British

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1334 WASHINGTON.

officers in South Carolina seemed successful and a death-
like stillness prevailed in the province. The clangor of
arms ceased and no enemy to British authority appeared.
The people of the lower parts of South Carolina were gen-
erally attached to the revolution, but many of their most
active leaders were prisoners. The fall of Charleston and
the subsequent events had sunk many into despondency,
and all were overawed. This gloomy stillness continued
about six weeks when the symptoms of a gathering storm
began to show themselves. The oppression and insults
to which the people were exposed highly exasperated them ;
they repented the apathy with which they had seen the
siege of Charleston carried on, and felt that the fall of
their capital, instead of introducing safety and rural tran-
quillity, as they had fondly anticipated, was only the fore-
runner of insolent exactions and oppressive services.
Peaceful and undisturbed neutrality was what they de-
sired and what they had expected; but when they found
themselves compelled to fight, they chose to join the Pro-
vincial banners, and the most daring only waited an oppor-
tunity to show their hostility to their new masters.

Such an opportunity soon presented itself. In the end
of March (1780) Washington dispatched the troops of
Maryland and Delaware, with a regiment of artillery, under
the Baron de Kalb, to reinforce the southern army. That
detachment met with many obstructions in its progress
southward. Such was the deranged state of the American
finances that it could not be put in motion when the order
was given. After setting out it marched through Jersey
and Pennsylvania, embarked at the head of Elk river, was
conveyed by water to Petersburgh in Virginia, and pro-
ceeded thence towards the place of its destination. But
as no magazines had been provided, and as provisions
could with difficulty be obtained, the march of the detach-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1335

ment through North Carolina was greatly retarded. In-
stead of advancing rapidly, the troops were obliged to
spread themselves over the country in small parties, in order
to collect com and to get it ground for their daily sub-
sistence. In this way they proceeded slowly through the
upper and more fertile parts of North Carolina to Hills-
borough, and were preparing to march by Cross creek to
Salisbury, where they expected to be joined by the militia
of North Carolina.

The approach oi this detachment, together with infor-
mation that great exertions were making to raise troops
in Virginia, encouraged the irritation which the rig^ous
measures of the British officers had occasioned in South
Carolina; and numbers of the inhabitants of that State,
who had fled from their homes and taken refuge in North
Carolina and Virginia, informed of the growing discontents
in their native State, and rel)ring on the support of regular
troops, assembled on the frontier of North Carolina.

About 200 of these refugees chose Colonel Sumter, an
old Continental officer, called by his comrades the ** Game-
cock," as their leader. On the advance of the British into
the upper parts of South Carolina, this gentleman had fled
into North Carolina, but had left his family behind.
Soon after his departure a British party arrived, turned his
wife and family out of door, and burned his house and
everything in it. This harsh and unfeeling treatment ex-
cited his bitterest resentment, which operated with the
more virulence by being concealed under the fair veil of
patriotism.

At the head of his little band, without money or maga-
zines, and but ill provided with arms and ammunition,
Sumter made an irruption into South Carolina. Iron
implements of husbandry were forged by common black-
smiths into rude weapons of war ; and pewter dishes, pro-

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1336 WASHINGTON.

cured from private families and melted down, furnished
part of their supply of balls.

This little band skirmished with the royal militia and
with small parties of regular troops, sometimes success-
fully, and always with the active courage of men fighting
for the recovery of their property.

Sometimes they engaged when they had not more than
three rounds of shot each, and occasionally some of them
were obliged to keep at a distance till, by the fall of friends
or foes, they could be furnished with arms and ammuni-
tion. When successful, the field of battle supplied them
with materials for the next encounter.

This party soon increased to 600 men, and, encour-
aged by its daring exertions, a disposition manifested
itself throughout South Carolina again to appeal to
arms. Some companies of royal militia, embodied under
the authority of Comwallis, deserted to Sumter and
ranged themselves under his standard.

Comwallis beheld this change with surprise: he had
thought the conflict ended, and the southern provinces
completely subdued; but, to his astonishment, saw that
past victories were unavailing, and that the work yet re-
mained to be accomplished. He was obliged to call in his
outposts and to form his troops into larger bodies.

But Comwallis was soon threatened by a more formi-
dable enemy than Sumter, who, though an active and
audacious leader, commanded only an irregular and feeble
band, and was capable of engaging only in desultory en-
terprises. Congress, sensible of the value and importance
of the provinces which the British had overrun, made every
effort to reinforce the southern army; and, fully aware of
the efficacy oi public opinion and of the influence of high
reputation, on the 13th of June (1780) appointed General
Gates to command it. He had acquired a splendid name

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UFE AND TIMES, 1337

by his triumphs over Burgoyne, and the populace, whose
opinions are formed by appearances and fluctuate with the
rumors of the day, anticipated a success equally brilliant.*

On receiving notice of his appointment to the com-
mand of the southern army, Gates, who had been living in
retirement on his estate in Virginia, proceeded southward
without delay, and on the 25th of July (1780) reached the
camp at Buffalo ford, on Deep river, where he was re-
ceived by De Kalb with respect and cordiality. The army
consisted of about 2,000 men, and considerable reinforce-
ments of militia from North Carolina and Virginia were
expected. In order that he might lead his troops through
a more plentiful country, and for the purpose of establish-
ing magazines an3 hospitals at convenient points, De
Kalb had resolved to turn out of the direct road to Cam-
den. But Gates, in opposition to De Kalb's advice, de-
termined to pursue the straight route toward the British
encampment, although it lay through a barren country,
which afforded but a scanty subsistence to its inhabitants.

On the 27th of July (1780) he put his army in motion
and soon experienced the difHculties and privations which
De KaJb had been desirous to avoid. The army was
obliged to subsist chiefly on poor cattle, accidentally found
in the woods, and the supply of all kinds of food was very
limited. Meal and corn were so scarce that the men were
compelled to use unripe com and peaches instead of bread.
That insufficient diet, together with the intense heat and
unhealthy climate, engendered disease, and threatened the

♦Washington, who had long ago taken the measure of Gates*
capacity, was desirous that Greene should receive the appointment
to the command of the southern army at this time; but his wishes
were overruled by Congress. Had Greene been appointed, or even
had De Kalb been left in command, the campaign of 1780 would
have been quite another affair.

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1338 WASHINGTON,

destruction of the army. Gates at length emerged from
the inhospitable region of pine-barrens, sand hills, and
swamps, and, after having effected a junction with Gen-
eral Caswell,. at the head of the militia of North Carolina,
and a small body of troops under Lieutenant-Colonel
Porterfield, he arrived at Qermont, or Rugely's Mills, on
the 13th of August (1780), and next day was joined by the
militia of Virginia, amounting to 700 men, under General
Stevens.

On the day after Gates arrived at Rugley's Mills, he
received an express from Sumter, stating that a number
of the militia of South Carolina had joined him on the
west side of the Wateree, and that an escort of clothes,
ammunition, and other stores for the garrison at Camden
was on its way from Ninety-Six and must pass the Wateree
at a ford covered by a small fort nor far from Camden.

Gates immediately detached 100 regular infantry and
300 militia of North Carolina to reinforce Sumter, whom
he ordered to reduce the fort and intercept the convoy.
Meanwhile he advanced nearer Camden, with the inten-
tion of taking a position about seven miles from that place.
For that purpose he put his army in motion at 10 in the
evening of the 15th of August, having sent his sick, heavy
baggage, and military stores not immediately wanted, un-
der a guard to Waxhaws. On the march Colonel Ar-
mand's legion* composed the van; Porterfield's light in-

* Charles Armand, Marquis de la Rouerie, was a French officer
of note when he entered our army as colonel in 1777, and was
ordered to raise a corps of Frenchmen not exceeding aoo men.
He served in Jersey and Pennsylvania in 1777, and in Westchester
county, New York, in 1778, where he captured Major Baremorc
and his Loyalists, as mentioned in Washington's certificate below.
In 1779 he was stationed at Ridgefield, Connecticut, under Gen.
Robert Howe. He was sent with a legion composed of his own
and Pulaski's cavalry to aid in Gates' southern expedition, as

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UFE AND TIMES. 1339

fantry, reinforced by a company of picked men from Ste-
vens' brigade, marching in Indian files, two htmdred
yards from the road, covered the right flank of the legion,
while Major Armstrong's light infantry of North Carolina
militia, reinforced in like manner by General Caswell, in
the same order, covered the left. The Maryland division,
followed by the North Carolina and Virginia militia, with
the artillery, composed the mam body and rear guard ; and
the volunteer cavalry were equally distributed on the
flanks of the baggage. The American army did not ex-
ceed 4,000 men, only about 900 of whom were regular
troops, and 70 cavalry.

mentioned in the text In 1781 he went to France to obtain
clothes and equipments, and returned soon enough to assist at the
the siege of Yorktown. Washington recommended him strongly
to Congress, who gave him the commission of brigadier-general
in the spring of 1783. He returned to France in 1784, engaged in
the French revolution, and took an active part. He died January
JOth, 1793. On the occasion of Colonel Armand's going to join
the southern army under Gates, Washington gave him the fol-
lowing certificate under his own hand:

CERTIFICATE.

I certify that the Marquis de la Rouerie has served in the army
of the United States since the beginning of 1777, with the rank of
colonel, during which time he has commanded an independent
corps with much honor to himself and usefulness to the service.
He has upon all occasions conducted himself as an officer of dis-
tinguished merit, of great zeal, activity, vigilance, intelligence, and
bravery. In the last campaign, particularly, he rendered very
valuable services, and towards the close of it made a brilliant
partisan stroke, by which, with much enterprise and address, he
surprised a major and some men of the enemy in quarters, at a
considerable distance within their pickets, and brought them off
without loss to his party. I give him this certificate In testimony
of my perfect approbation of his conduct, and esteem for himself
personally.

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1340 WASHINGTON.

On the advance of Gates into South Carolina, Lord
Rawdon had called in his outposts, and concentrated his
force at Camden. Informed of the appearance of the
American army, and of the general defection of the
country between the Pedee and the Black river, Cornwallis
quitted Charleston and repaired to Camden, where he
arrived on the same day that Gates reached Clermont.

The British force was reduced by sickness, and Corn-
wallis could not assemble more than two thousand men
at Camden. That place, though advantageous in other
respects, was not well adapted for resisting an attack ; and
as the whole country was rising against him, Cornwallis
felt the necessity of either retreating to Charleston, or of
instantly striking a decisive blow. If he remained at
Camden, his difficulties would daily increase, his communi-
cation with Charleston be endangered, and the American
army acquire additional strength. A retreat to Charles-
ton would be the signal for the whole of South Carolina
and Georgia to rise in arms ; his sick and magazines must
be left behind; and the whole of the two provinces, ex-
cept the towns of Charleston and Savannah, abandoned.
The consequences of such a movement would be nearly as
fatal as a defeat. Cornwallis, therefore, although he be-
lieved the American army considerably stronger than what
it really was, determined to hazard a battle; and, at lo
at night, on the 15th of August, the very hour when Gates
proceeded from Rugely's Mills, about thirteen miles dis-
tant, he marched towards the American camp.

About 2 in the morning of the i6th of August (1780)
the advanced guards of the hostile armies unexpectedly
met in the woods, and the firing instantly beg^n. Some of
the cavalry of the American advanced guard being
wounded by the first discharge, the party fell back in
confusion, broke the Maryland regiment which was at

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UFE AND TIMES. 1341

.i

the head of the column, and threw the whole line of the
army into consternation. From that first impression,
deepened by the gloom of night, the raw and ill-disciplined
militia seem not to have recovered. In the rencounter
several prisoners were taken on each side, and from them
the opposing generals acquired a more exact knowledge
of circumstances than they had hitherto possessd. Sev-
eral skirmishes happened during the night, which merely
formed a prelude to the approaching battle, and g^ve the
commanders some notion of the position of the hostile
armies.

Comwallis, perceiving that the Americans were on
ground of no great extent, with morasses on their right
and left, so that they could not avail themselves of their
superior numbers to outflank his little army, impatiently
waited for the returning light, which would give every
advantage to his disciplined troops.* Both armies pre-
pared for the conflict. Comwallis formed his men in two
divisions; that on the right was under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, that on the left under Lord
Rawdon. In front were four field pieces. The Seventy-
first regiment, with two cannon, formed the reserve; and
the cavalry, about 300 in number, were in the rear, ready
to act as circumstances might require.

In the American army the second Maryland brigade,
under General Gist, formed the right of the line ; the militia
of North Carolina, commanded by General Caswell, oc-
cupied the center; and the militia of Virginia, with the

* Colonel Armand censured Gates' conduct on this occasion
severely. It is clear that he chose the ground best .suited for the
enemy's purpose. '* I will not say," Armand remarked, " that the
general contemplated treason, but I will say, that if he had de-
sired to betray his army, he could not have chosen a more judicious
course."

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1342 WASHINGTON.

light infantry and Colonel Armand's corps, composed the
left; the artillery was placed between the divisions. The
First Maryland brigade was stationed as a reserve 200
or 300 yards in the rear. Baron de Kalb commanded on
the right; the militia generals were at the head of their
respective troops, and General Gates resolved to appear
wherever his presence might be most useful

At dawn of day Cornwallis ordered Lieutenant-Colonel
Webster, with the British right wing, to attack the Ameri-
can left. As Webster advanced he was assailed by a
desultory discharge of musketry from some volunteer
militia who had advanced in front of their countrymen,
but the British soldiers, rushing through that loose fire,
charged the American line with a shout. The militia in-
stantly threw down their arms and fled, many oi them
without even discharging their muskets, and all the eflforts
of the officers were unable to rally them. A great part
of the center division, composed of the militia of North
Carolina, imitated the example of their comrades of Vir-
ginia; few of either of the divisions fired a shot, and still
fewer carried their arms off the field. Tarleton with his
legion pursued and eagerly cut down the unresisting fugi-
tives. Gates, with some of the militia general oflScers,
made several attempts to rally them, but in vain. The
further they fled the more they dispersed, and Gates in
despair hastened with a few friends to Charlotte, eighty
miles from the field of battle.

De Kalb at the head of the Continentals, being aban-
doned by the militia, which had constituted the center
and left wing of the army, and being forsaken by the gen-
eral also, was exposed to the attack of the whole British
army. De Kalb and his troops, however, instead of imitat-
ing the disgraceful example of their brethren in arms, be-
haved with a steady intrepidity and defended themselves

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UFE AND TIMES, 1;]43

like men. Rawdon attacked them about the time when
Webster broke the left wing, but the charge was firmly
received and steadily resisted, and the conflict was main-
tained for some time with equal obstinacy on both sides.
The American reserve covered the left of De Kalb's divis-
ion, but its own left flank was entirely exposed by the
flight of the militia, and, therefore, Webster, after detach-
ing some cavalry and light troops in pursuit ol the fugitive
militia, with the remainder of his division attacked them
at once in front and flank. A severe contest ensued. The
Americans, in a great measure intermingled with British,
maintained a desperate conflict. Cormvallis brought his
whole force to bear upon them; they were at length broken
and began to retreat in confusion. The brave De Kalb,
while making a vigorous charge at the head of a body of
his men, fell pierced with eleven wounds. His aide-de-
camp, Lieutenant-Colonel de Buysson, embraced the fallen
general, announced his rank and nation to the surround-
ing enemy, and while thus generously exposing his own
life to save his bleeding friend, he received several severe
wounds, and was taken prisoner with him. De Kalb met
with all possible attention and assistance from the vic-
torious enemy, but that gallant officer expired in a few
hours. Congress afterward ordered a monument to be
erected to his memory.

Never was victory more complete or defeat more total
Every regiment was broken and dispersed through the
woods, marshes, and brushwood, which at once saved them
from their pursuers and separated them more entirely from
each other. The officers lost sight of their men and every
individual endeavored to save himself in the best way he
was able. The British cavalry pursued; and for many
miles the roads were strewed with the wrecks of a ruined
army. Wagons or fragments of wagons, arms, dead or

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1344 WASHINGTON.

maimed horses, dead or wounded soldiers, were everywhere
seen. General Rutherford, of the North Carolina militia,
was made prisoner, but the other general officers reached
Qiarlotte at different times and by different routes.

About 200 wagons, a great part of the baggage, military
stores, smallarms, and all the artillery fell into the hands
of the conquerors. This decisive victory cost the British
only 80 men killed and 245 wounded. Eight hundred or
900 of the Americans were killed or wounded, and about
1,000 taken prisoners. The militia endeavored to save
themselves by flight; the Continentals alone fought, and
almost half their number fell.

While the army under Gates was completely defeated
and dispersed Colonel Sumter was successful in his enter-
prise. On the evening in which Cornwallis marched from
Camden he reduced the redoubt on the Wateree, took the
stores on their way to Camden, and made about 100
prisoners. On hearing, however, of the disastrous fate of
the army under Gates, Sumter, fully aware of his danger,
retreated hastily with his stores and prisoners up the south
side of the Wateree. On the morning of the 17th (Septem-
ber, 1780) Cornwalls sent Tarleton, with the legion and a
detachment of infantry, in pursuit of him. That officer
proceeded with his usual rapidity. Finding many of his
infantry unable to keep pace with him he advanced with
about 100 cavalry and sixty of the most vigorous of the
infantry, and on the i8th (September, 1780) suddenly and
unexpectedly came upon the Americans.

Sumter, having marched with great diligence, thought
himself beyond the reach of danger, and his men being ex-
hausted by unremitting service and want of sleep, he halted
near the Catawba ford to give them some repose during
the heat of the day. In order to prevent a surprise he had
placed sentinels at proper stations to give warning of ap-

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NATHANAEL GREENE.
Major-General United States Army.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1345

proaching danger, but overcome by fatigue and equally
regardless of duty and safety the sentinels fell asleep at
their post and gave no alarm. Tarleton suddenly burst
into the encampment of the drowsy and unsuspecting
Americans, and, though some slight resistance was at first
made from behind the baggage, soon gained a complete
victory. The Americans fled precipitately toward the river
or the woods. Between 300 and 400 of them were killed
or wounded. Sumter escaped, galloping off on horseback,
without coat, hat, or saddle, but all his baggage fell into
the hands of the enemy, while the prisoners and stores
which he had taken were recovered. About 150 of his men
made good their retreat.

By the complete defeat and dispersion of the army under
Gates and of Sumter's corps. South Carolina and Georgia
appeared to be again laid prostrate at the feet of the royal
army, and the hope of maintaining their independence
seemed more desperate than ever.

Affairs did not seem desperate, however, to Washing-
ton. He knew the defensible nature of the country — in-
tersected in every direction by rivers and swamps, and
affording every facility for partisan warfare against regu-
lar troops, and he knew that the infamous conduct of the
British in the South had thoroughly roused the indigna-
tion of the people. While Gates was gathering together
a new army and stationing detachments in different posts
near Hillsborough, Washington received intelligence of the
disastrous battle of Camden. The sad news came unex-
pectedly, as the previous reports had given hopes of some
brilliant feat on the part of Gates. The unlooked-for dis-
aster, however, did not for a moment dishearten Wash-
ington. He was fully aware of the determination of the
British to conquer the South, and if possible to detach it
from the confederacy, and he was determined on his part
85

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1346 WASHINGTON.

to defeat their purpose. This was to be done chiefly by
rousing the South itself to action, since the position of af-
fairs at the North did not admit of large detachments
from the force under his own immediate command. He
ordered, however, that some regular troops enlisted in
Maryland for the war should be sent to the southward.
To show how attentive he was to all the details of the
necessary measures for defending the South we copy his
letter of September 12th (1780) to Governor Rutledge, of
South Carolina, who had been armed with dictatorial
power by the Legislature of that State.* " I am fully im-
pressed, he writes, " with the importance of the southern
States, and of course with the necessity of making every
effort to expel the enemy from them. The late unlucky
affair near Camden renders their situation more precarious
and calls for every exertion to stop at least the further
progress of the British army. It is to be wished that the
composition of our force in this quarter, our resources,
and the present situation of the fleet and army of our ally
would admit of an immediate and sufficient detachment,
not only to answer the purpose I have just mentioned, but
to carry on operations of a more serious and extensive
nature. But this not being the case, for reasons which
must be obvious to you, let it suffice that your Excellency
be informed that our views tend ultimately to the south-
ward.

" In the meantime our endeavors in that quarter should
be directed rather to checking the progress of the enemy
by a permanent, compact, and well-organized body of men,
than attempting immediately to recover the State of South
Carolina by a numerous army of militia, who, besides
being inconceivably expensive, are too fluctuating and un-

* Sparks, " Writings of Washington," vol. VII, p. 201.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1347

disciplined to oppose one composed chiefly of regular
troops. I would recommend to you, therefore, to make
use of your influence with the States from Maryland south-
ward, to raise without delay at least 5,000 men for the war,
if it can be effected; if not, for as long a time as possible.
These, with the militia in the vicinity, would answer the
purpose I have last mentioned, and would in proper time
make a useful body, either to form a diversion in favor of,
or to co-operate with, a force upon the coast.

" I have hinted the outlines of a plan to your Excellency
which for many reasons should be in general kept to your-
self. You will oblige me by informing yourself as ac-
curately as possible, what may be the present resources
of the country as to m^at, corn, wheat, or rice, and trans-
portation, as I suppose circumstances may have occasioned
a considerable change. And if it is possible to form maga-
zines of either, it should be done, especially of salt meat,
which is an article so essential to military operations, that
the States of Virginia and North Carolina should be re-
quested to lay up, as soon as the weather will permit, at
least 4,000 barrels in proportion to their respective ability.
You will also be pleased to endeavor to gain a knowledge
of the force of the enemy, the posts they occupy, the nature
and state of those posts, and the reinforcements they may
probably derive from the people of the country. As you
receive these several intelligences you will be pleased to
communicate them to me with your opinion of the best
place for debarking troops, in case of an expedition against
the enemy in the southern States, and the names of the
persons in that quarter whose opinion and advice may be
serviceable in such an event."

In the following extract from a letter to Count de
Guichen in the West Indies, September 12, 1780, we have
from Washington a view of the general state of affairs

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1348 WASHINGTON,

after the battle of Camden. Its object was to induce the
French admiral to come immediately to the United States.
The letter did not reach the West Indies until De Guichen
had sailed to France.

" The situation of America/' Washington writes, " at
this time is critical. The government is without finances.
Its paper credit is sunk and no expedients can be adopted
capable of retrieving it The resources of the country are
much diminished by a five years' war in which it has made
efforts beyond its ability. Qir>ton, with an army of 10,000
regular troops (aided by a considerable body of militia,
whom from motives of fear and attachment he has engaged
to take arms), is in possession of one of the capital towns
and a large part of the State to which it belongs. The
savages are desolating the frontier. A fleet superior to that
of our allies not only protects the enemy against any at-
tempt of ours, but facilitates those which they may project
against us. Lord Cornwallis, with seven or eight thousand
men, is in complete possession of two States, Georgia
and South Carolina, and by recent misfortunes North Caro-
lina is at his mercy. His force is daily increasing by an
accession of adherents, whom his successes naturally
procure in a country inhabited by emigrants from England
and Scotland who have not been long enough transplanted
to exchange their ancient habits and attachments in favor
of their new residence.

" By a letter received from General Gates we learn that
in attempting to penetrate and regain- the State of South
Carolina he met with a total defeat near Camden in which
many of his troops have been cut off and the remainder dis-
persed with the loss of all their cannon and baggage. The
enemy are said to be now making a detachment frc«n New
York for a southern destination. If they push their suc-
cesses in that quarter we cannot predict where their career

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UFE AND TIMES. 1349

may end The opposition will be feeble unless we can give
succor from hence, which, from a variety of causes must
depend on a naval superiority."

The remainder of the letter gives more details and urges
the admiral to give his aid to the United States.

It will be recollected by the reader that Gates when in
the height of his glory did not make any report to Wash-
ington of the surrender of Burgoyne. This was in the days
of the Conway Cabal. He then slighted and almost insulted
the great commander, whom, it is not improbable he hoped
to supersede. But in the hour of disaster and defeat it was
to Washington himself that he turned for help, protection,
and countenance. He is prompt enough with his official
report now although he writes his first dispatch to Con-
gress in order that his apology may be published. The fol-
lowing letter to Washington is dated at Hillsborough,
August 30, 1780:*

" My public letter to Congress has surely been trans-
mitted to your Excellency. Since then I have been able
to collect authentic returns of the killed, wounded, and
missing of the officers of the Maryland line, Delaware regi-
ment, artillerists, and those of the legion under Colonel
Armand. They are inclosed. The militia broke so early in
the day, and scattered in so many directions upon their re-
treat, that very few have fallen into the hands of the enemy.

" By the firmness and bravery of the Continental troops
the victory is far from bloodless on the part of the foe,
they having upwards of 500 men, with officers in propor-
tion, killed and wounded. I do not think Lord CornwalHs
will be able to reap any advantage of consequence from
his victory as this State seems animated to reinstate and
support the army. Virginia, I am confident, will not be

* Sparks, " Correspondence of the Revolution," vol. Ill, p. 66.

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1350 WASHINGTON.

less patriotic. By the joint exertions of these two States
there is good reason to hope that should the events of
the campaign be prosperous to your Excellency all South
Carolina might be again recovered. Lord Cornwallis re-
mained with his army at Camden when I received the last
accounts from thence. I am cantoning ours at Salisbury,
Guilford, Hillsborough, and Cross creek. The Mary-
landers and artillerists, with their general hospital, will be
here; the cavalry near Cross creek, and the militia to the
westward. This is absolutely necessary as we have no
magazine of provisions and are only supplied from hand
to mouth. Four days after the action of the i6th, fortune
seemed determined to distress us; for Colonel Sumter
having marched near forty miles up the river Wateree
halted with the wagons and prisoners he had taken the
15th; by some indiscretion the men were surprised, cut
off from their arms, the whole routed, and the wagons and
prisoners retaken.

" What encouragement the numerous disaffected in this
State may give Lord Cornwallis to advance further into the
country I cannot yet say. Colonel Sumter, since his sur-
prise and defeat upon the west side of the Wateree, has
reinstated and increased his corps to upwards of 1,000
men. I have directed him to continue to harass the enemy
upon that side. Lord Cornwallis will therefore be cautious
how he makes any considerable movement to the east-
ward while his corps remains in force upon his left flank,
and the main body is in a manner cantoned in his front.
Anxious for the public good I shall continue my unwearied
endeavors to stop the progress of the enemy, to reinstate
our affairs, to recommence an offensive war and recover
all our losses in the southern States. But if being unfortu-
nate IS solely reason sufficient for removing me from
command, I shall most cheerfully submit to the orders of

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UFE AND TIMES. 1351

Congress and resign an office few generals would be anx-
ious to possess, and where the utmost skill and fortitude
are subject to be baffled by the difficulties which must for
a time surround the chief in command here. That your
Excellency may meet with no such difficulties, that your
road to fame and fortune may be smooth and easy is the
sincere wish of, sir, your Excellency's most obedient, etc/'

In the following extract from a letter of the 3d of Sep-
tember (1780), he again calls Washington's attention to
his own pitiable case : " If I can yet reijder good service
to the United States," he writes, "it will be necessary it
should be seen that I have the support of Congress and
your Excellency; otherwise some men may think they
please my superiors by blaming me, and thus recommend
themselves to favor. But you, sir, will be too generous
to lend an ear to such men, if such there be, and will show
your greatness of soul rather by protecting than slighting
the unfortunate. If, on the contrary, I am not supported
and countenance is given to everyone who will speak dis-
respectfully of me it will be better for Congress to remove
me at once from where I shall be unable to render them
any good service. This, sir, I submit to your candor and
honor, and shall cheerfully await the decision of my su-
periors. With the warmest wishes for your prosperity,
and the sincerest sentiments of esteem and regard, I am,
sir, your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant."

Notwithstanding these letters and any friendly help
which Washington may have rendered to his fallen rival,
the fickle Congress, as we shall presently see, deserted
at his utmost need the man who they had advanced against
Washington's advice.

After the battle of Camden, Comwallis was unable to
follow up the victory with his usual activity. His little
army was diminished by the sword and by disease. He

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1352 WASHINGTON.

had not brought with him from Charleston the stores nec-
essary for a long march, and he did not deem it expedient
to leave South Carolina till he had suppressed that spirit
of resistance to his authority which had extensively mani-
fested itself in the province. In order to consummate, as
he thought, the subjugation of the State, he resorted to
measures of great injustice and cruelty. He considered
the province as a conquered country, reduced to uncon-
ditional submission and to allegiance to its ancient sov-
ereign, and the people liable to the duties of British sub-
jects and to corresponding penalties in case of a breach
of those duties. He forgot, or seemed to forget, that
many of them had been received as prisoners of war on
parole ; that, without their consent, their parole had been
discharged, and that, merely by a proclamation, they had
been declared British subjects instead of prisoners of war.
In a few days after the battle of Camden, when Com-
wallis thought the country was lying prostrate at his feet,
he addressed the 'following letter to the commandant of
the British garrison at Ninety-six : " I have given orders
that all the inhabitants of this province who have sub-
scribed and taken part in the revolt should be punished
with the utmost rigor; and also those who will not turn
out, that they may be imprisoned and their whole property
taken from them or destroyed. I have also ordered that
compensation should be made out of these estates to the
persons who have been injured or oppressed by them.
I have ordered, in the most positive manner, that every
militiaman who has borne arms with us and afterward
joined the enemy shall be immediately hanged. I desire
you will take the most vigorous measures to punish the
rebels in the district you command and that you obey,
in the strictest manner, the directions I have given in this

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UFE AND TIMES. 1353

letter relative to the inhabitants of the country." Similar
orders were given to the commanders of other posts.*

In any circumstances, such orders given to officers often
possessing little knowledge and as little prudence or hu-
manity could not fail to produce calamitous effects. In
the case under consideration, where all the worst passions
of the heart were irritated and inflamed, the consequences
were lamentable. The orders were executed in the spirit
in which they were given. Numbers of persons were put
to death; many were imprisoned and their property was
destroyed or confiscated. The country was covered with
blood and desolation, rancor and grief.

The prisoners on parole thought they had a clear right
to take arms, for from their parole they had been released
by the proclamation of the 20th of June (1780), which
indeed called them to the duty of subjects, a condition to
which they had never consented, and therefore they
reckoned that they had as good a right to resume their
arms as the British commander had to enjoin their al-
legiance. The case of those who had taken British protec-
tions in the full persuasion that they were to be allowed
to live peaceably on their estates, but who, on finding that
they must fight on one side or the other, had repaired to
the standards of their country, was equally hard. Decep-
tion and violence were practiced against both. So long as
the struggle appeared doubtful the Colonists met with fair
promises and kind treatment, but at the moment when re-
sistance seemed hopeless and obedience necessary they

♦The orders of Rawdon and Cornwallis to the subordinates to
treat the Americans in this cruel manner were intercepted and
sent to Washington, who transmitted them, with a sharp letter, to
Sir Henry Qinton. His reply sustained Rawdon and Cornwallis.
The original letters and the whole correspondence may be found
in the 7th volume of Sparks, " Writings of Washington."

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1354 WASHINGTON.

were addressed in the tone of authority, heard stern com-
mands and bloody threatenings, and received harsh usage.
Hence the province, which for some time presented the
stillness of peace, again put on the ruthless aspect of war.

A number of persons of much respectability remained
prisoners of war in Charleston since the capitulation of
that town, but, after the battle of Camden, Comwallis or-
dered them to be carried out of the province. Accordingly,
early in the morning of the 27th of August (1780), some of
the principal citizens of Charleston were taken out of bed,
put on board a guard-ship, and soon afterward transported
to St. Augustine. They remonstrated with Lieutenant-
Colonel Balfour, the commandant of Charleston, but ex-
perienced only the insolence of authority from that officer.

While Cornwallis endeavored by severe measures to
break the spirits of the people and to establish the royal
authority in South Carolina, he did not lose sight of his
ulterior projects. He sent emissaries into North Carolina
to excite the Loyalists there, and to assure them of the
speedy march of the British army into that province.
On the 8th of September (1780) he left Camden, and to-
ward the end of the month arrived at Charlottetown, in
North Carolina, of which place he took possession after a
slight resistance from some volunteer cavalry under Colonel
Davie. Though symptoms of opposition manifested them-
selves at Charlotte yet he advanced toward Salisbury and
ordered his militia to cross the Yadkin. But Cornwallis
was suddenly arrested in his victorious career by an unex-
pected disaster. He made every exertion to embody the
Tory inhabitants of the country and to form them into a
British militia. For that purpose he employed Major
Ferguson of the Seventy-first regiment with a small de-
tachment in the district of Ninety-six, to train the Loyal-
ists and to attach them to his own party. From the

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UFE AND TIMES. 1355

Operations of that officer he expected the most important
services.

Ferguson executed his commission with activity and
zeal, collected a large number of Loyalists, and committed
great depredations on the friends of independence in the
back settlements. When about to return to the main army
in triumph he was detained by one of those incidents
which occasionally occur in war and influence the course
of events and the destiny of nations. Colonel Clarke, of
Georgia, who had fled from that province on its reduction
by Campbell in 1779, had retired to the northward, and
having collected a number of followers in the Carolinas, he
returned to his native province at the head of about 700
men, and while Cornwallis was marching from Camden to
Charlottetown, attacked the British post at Augusta. Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Brown, who commanded at that place with
a garrison of about 150 Provincials, aided by some friendly '
Indians, finding the town untenable, retired toward an
eminence on the banks of the Savannah, named Garden
Hill. But the Americans occupied it before his arrival ; by
bringing his artillery, however, to bear upon them, after a
desperate conflict he succeeded in dislodging them and in
gaining possession of the hill, but with the loss of his
cannon. There Qarke besieged him till informed of the
near approach of a British detachment from Ninety-six,
under Colonel Kruger. He then retreated, abandoning
the cannon which he had taken, and, though pursued, ef-
fected his escape. Notice was instantly sent to Ferguson of
Qarke's retreat and of his route, and high hopes of inter-
cepting him were entertained. For that purpose Ferguson
remained longer in those parts and approached nearer the
mountains than he would otherwise have done. As he had
collected about 1,500 men he had no apprehension of any
force assembling in that quarter able to embarrass him.

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1356 WASHINGTON.

Meanwhile the depredations committed by Ferguson ex-
asperated many of the inhabitants of the country, some of
whom, fleeing across the Alleghany mountains, gave their
western brethren an alarming account of the evils with
which they were threatened. Those men, living irf the full
enjoyment of that independence for which the Atlantic
States were struggling, resolved to keep the war at a
distance from their settlements. The hardy mountaineers
of the western parts of Virginia and North Carolina as-
sembled under Colonels Campbell, Shelby, Cleveland, and
Sevier. Other parties, under their several leaders, has-
tened to join them. They were all mounted and unin-
cumbered with baggage. Each man had his blanket,
knapsack, and rifle, and set out in quest of Ferguson,
equipped in the same manner as when they hunted the wild
beasts of the forest. At night the earth afforded them a
bed and the heavens a covering; the flowing stream
quenched their thirst; their guns, their knapsacks, or a
few cattle driven in their rear, supplied them with food.
Their numbers made them formidable, and the rapidity of
their movements rendered it difficult to escape them.
They amounted to nearly 3,000 men.

On hearing of their approach Ferguson began to retreat
toward Charlotte and sent messengers to Comwallis to
apprise him of his danger. But the messengers were in-
tercepted, and Cornwallis remained ignorant of the perilous
situation of his detachment In the vicinity of Gilbert
town the Americans, apprehensive of Ferguson's escape,
selected 1,000 of their best riflemen, mounted them on their
fleetest horses, and sent them in pursuit Their rapid
movements rendered his retreat impracticable, and Fergu-
son, sensible that he would inevitably be overtaken, chose
his ground on King's mountain on the confines of North
and South Carolina, and waited the attack.

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UFE AND TIMES, 1357

On the 7th of October (1780) the Americans came up
with him. Campbell had the command, but his authority
was merely nominal, for there was little military order or
subordination in the attack. They agreed to divide their
forces in order to assail Ferguson from different quarters,
and the divisions were led on by Colonels Qeveland,
Shelby, Sevier, and Williams. Qeveland, who conducted
the party which began the attack, addressed his men as
follows :

" My brave fellows ! we have beaten the Tories and we
can beat them. When engaged you are not to wait for the
word of command from me. I will show you by my ex-
ample how to light ; I can undertake no more. Every man
must consider himself an officer and act on his own judg-
ment. Though repulsed, do not run oflf ; return and renew
the combat. If any of you are afraid you have not only
leave to withdraw, but are requested to do so." ^

Qeveland instantly began the attack, but was soon com-
pelled to retire before the bayonet. But Ferguson had no
time to continue the pursuit, for Shelby came forward
from an unexpected quarter and poured in a destructive
lire. Ferguson again resorted to the bayonet and was
again successful. But at that moment Campbell's division
advanced on another side and a new battle began. Camp-
bell, like his comrades, was obliged to retreat. But Qeve-
land had now rallied his division and advanced anew to the
combat. The Royalists wheeled and met this returning
assailant. In this way there was an unremitting succession
of attacks for about fifty minutes. Ferguson obstinately
defended himself and repulsed every assailant, but at last
he fell mortally wounded, and the second in command, see-
ing the contest hopeless, surrendered. Ferguson and 150
of his men lay dead on the field ; as many were wounded ;
nearly 700 laid down their arms, and upwards of 400 es-

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1368 WASHINGTON.

caped. Among the prisoners the number of regular
British soldiers did not amount to loa The Americans
lost about twenty men, who were killed on the field, and
they had many wounded. They took 1,500 stand of arms.
Major Ferguson's position was good, but the hill abounded
with wood and afforded the Americans, who were all rifle-
men, an opportunity of fighting in their own way and of
firing from behind trees.

The Americans hanged ten of their prisoners on the spot,
pleading the guilt of the individuals who suffered and the
example of the British, who had executed a g^eat number
of Americans. One of the victims was a militia officer,
who accepted a British commission, although he had for-
merly been in the American service. Those rude warriors,
whose enterprise was the spontaneous impulse of their
patriotism or revenge, who acknowledged no superior au-
thority, and who were guided by no superior counsels, hav-
ing achieved their victories and attained their object,
dispersed and returned home. Most of the prisoners were
soon afterward released on various conditions.

The ruin of Ferguson's detachment, from which so much
had been expected, was a severe blow to Comwallis; it
disconcerted his plans and prevented his progress north-
ward. On the 14th of October (1780), as soon after obtain-
ing certain information of the fall of Major Ferguson as
the army could be put in motion, he left Charlotte, where
Ferguson was to have met him and began his retreat to-
ward South Carolina. In that retrograde movement the
British army suffered severely; for several days it rained
incessantly ; the roads were almost impassable ; the soldiers
had no tents, and at night encamped in the woods in an
unhealthy climate. The army was ill supplied with provi-
sions; sometimes the men had beef, but no bread; at other
times bread, but no beef. Once they subsisted during five

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UFE AND TIMES. 1359

days on Indian com collected as it stood in the fields. Five
ears were the daily allowance of two men, but the troops
bore their toils and privations without a murmur.

In these trying circumstances the American Loyalists
who had joined the royal standard were of great service,
but their services were ill requited, and several of them,
disgusted by the abusive language and even blows, which
they received from some of the officers, left the British army
forever. At length the troops passed the Catawba, and on
the 29th of October (1780) reached Wynnesborough, an
intermediate station between Camden and Ninety-six.
During this difficult march Cornwallis was ill and Lord
Rawdon had the command.

Washington directed the operations of this southern
campaign as far as it was in his power. But he was inter-
fered with by the pragmatical, imbecile, and conceited Con-
gress. Had Greene been appointed to take command of
the southern army, according to Washington's desire, in-
stead of Gates, he would soon have assembled around him
that "permanent, compact, and wellnDrganized body of
men," referred to in Washington's letter to Governor
Rutledge, which we have quoted, and would have given a
very different account of the British from that qf Gates.
Greene was second only to the Commander-in-Chief in
ability — second to none in courage, coolness, and per-
severance. His campaign in the South, as we shall pres-
ently see, was one of the most remarkable performances
of the war. But Congress would not send him to the
South till repeated disasters compelled them to listen to
Washington's advice. The old virus of the Conway Cabal
must have been still lurking among the members or they
would scarcely have preferred Gates to Greene. We must
now leave the South for a season and turn to the course of
events in the northern States.

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CHAPTER XX.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE CAMPAIGN.

1781.

THE contest between Great Britain and her revolted
Colonies had involved her in other wars. Spain
had already joined with France in the alliance
against her, and the Dutch were now drawn into the con-
test. Great Britain had claimed and exercised what she
called the " right of search," which included the right to
seize the property of an enemy, wherever found, at sea.
The Dutch, who had an extensive carrying trade with
France, being plundered by the British under their inso-
lent " right of search," were already preparing to join the
other allies and commence open hostilities.

The next act in the drama was the formation of the
armed neutrality denying the "right of search," and de-
claring that free ships made free goods. Catharine II. of
Russia was at its head. Sweden and Denmark immediately
joined it. It was resolved that neutral ships should enjoy
a free navigation even from port to port and on the coasts
of the belligerent powers ; that all effects belonging to the
subjects of the said belligerent powers should be looked
upon as free on board such neutral ships, except only such
goods as were stipulated to be contraband, and that no
port should be considered under blockade unless there
should be a sufficient force before it to render the blockade
effectual. The other European powers were invited to
join this confederacy. France and Spain agreed to do so

(1360)

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1361

at once; Portugal hesitated and declined, and the United
Provinces delayed for a time their answer. The Emperor
of Germany and the King of Prussia joined the armed
neutrality in 1781.

Meanwhile, Henry Laurens having been taken prisoner
on his way to Holland (1780) to solicit a loan for the
United States, and his papers having made the British
ministry acquainted with the fact that overtures for a
treaty between Holland and America were under consid-
eration, England, at the close of 1780, resolved upon a
war with the States General. Thus England, by this step,
without friend or allies, prepared to wage, single-handed,
the contest with enemies in every quarter of the globe.

In the beginning of the year 1781, the affairs of the
American Union wore a gloomy and alarming aspect.
Vigorous and united efforts were needful ; but all seemed
feeble and irresolute. The people were heartily tired of the
war; and, though no better affected to the parent State
than before, yet they earnestly desired deliverance from
the multiplied miseries of the protracted struggle.

The alliance with France had promised a speedy termi-
nation to the war; but hitherto, while its existence made
the Americans comparatively remiss in their own exertions
to prosecute hostilities, the French fleet and army had
performed no important service.

Congress had called for an army of 37,000 men, to be in
camp on the ist of January (1781). The resolution, as
usual, was too late, but even although it had been promul-
gated in due time, so large a force could not have been
brought into the field. The deficiences and delays on the
part of the several States exceeded all reasonable antici-
pation. At no time during this active and interesting cam-
paign did the regular force, drawn from Pennsylvania to
Georgia inclusive, amount to 3,000 men. So late as

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1362 WASHINGTON.

the month of April (1781), the States, from New
Jersey to New Hampshire inclusive, had furnished only
5,000 infantry, but this force was slowly and gradually
increased, till, in the month of May, including cavalry and
artillery which never exceeded 1,000 men, it presented a
total of about 7,000, of whom upwards of 4,000 might
have been relied on in active service. A considerable part
of this small force arrived in camp too late to acquire
during the campaign that discipline which is essential to
military success. Inadequate as this army was for assert-
ing the independence of the country, the prospect of being
unable to support it was still more alarming. The men
were in rags; clothing had long been expected from
Europe but had not yet arrived and the disappointmei\t
was severely felt.

The magazines were ill supplied, the troops were often
almost starving and the army ready to be dissolved for
want of food. The arsenals were nearly empty. Instead
of having the requisites of a well-appointed army every-
thing was deficient and there was little prospect of being
better provided, for money was as scarce as food and
military stores. Congress had resolved to issue no more
bills on the credit of the Union, and the care of supplying
the army was devolved upon the several States according
to a rule established by that body. Even when the States
had collected the specified provisions, the quartermaster-
general had no funds to pay for the transportation of them
to the army to accomplish which military impressment
was resorted to in a most offensive degree. Congress
was surrounded with difficulties, the several States were
callous and dilatory, and affairs generally wore an aspect
of debility and decay.

To deepen the general gloom there were portentous
rumors of preparations for savage warfare along the whole

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1363

extent of the western frontier and of an invasion on the
side of Canada. In the midst of financial difficulties and
apprehensions of attack both from foreign and domestic
enemies, a new and alarming danger appeared in a quarter
where it was little expected and which threatened to con-
summate the ruin of American independence. The priva-
tions and sufferings of the troops had been uncommonly
great. To the usual hardships of a military life were
added nakedness and hunger, under that rigor of climate
which whets the appetite and renders clothing absolutely
necessary. By the depreciation of the paper currency their
pay was little more than nominal, and it was many months
in arrear.

Besides those evils which were common to the whole
army the troops of Pennsylvania imagined that they
labored under peculiar grievances. Their officers had en-
gaged them for three years or during the war. On the
expiration of three years the soldiers thought themselves
entitled to a discharge ; the officers alleged that they were
engaged for the war. The large bounties given to those
who were not bound by previous enlistment heightened
the discontent of the soldiers, and made them more zealous
in asserting what they thought their rights. In the first
transports of their patriotism they had readily enlisted,
but men will not long willingly submit to immediate and
unprofitable hardships in the prospect of distant and con-
tingent rewards.

The discontents engendered by the causes now men-
tioned had for some time been increasing and on the ist
of January, 1781, broke out into the open and almost
universal mutiny of the troops of Pennsylvania. On a
signal given, the greater part of the noncommissioned
officers and privates paraded under arms, declaring their
intention of marching to the seat of Congress at Philadel-

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1364 WASHINGTON.

phia to obtain a redress of grievances, or to abandon the
service. The officers made every exertion to bring them
back to their duty, but in vain; in the attempt, a captain
was killed and several other persons wounded. General
Wayne interposed, but, on cocking his pistols at some of
the most audacious of the mutineers, several bayonets
were at his breast, the men exclaiming, " We respect you
— we love you; but you are a dead man if you fire! Do
not mistake us: we are not going to the enemy, on the
contrary, were they to come out, you should see us fight
under you with as much resolution and alacrity as ever,
but we wish a redress of grievances and will no longer be
trifled with." Such of the Pennsylvania troops as had at
first taken no part in the disturbance were prevailed on to
join the mutineers and the whole, amounting to 1,300
men, with six field pieces, marched from Morristown un-
der temporary officers of their own election. Washing-
ton's headquarters were then at New Windsor on the
North river.

Next day Qan. 2, 1781), General Wayne and Colonels
Butter and Stewart, officers who in a high degree enjoyed
the confidence and affection of the troops, followed the
mutineers, but .though civilly received, they could not suc-
ceed in adjusting the differences or in restoring subordina-
tion. On the third day the mutineers resumed their
march and in the morning arrived at Princeton. Con-
gress and the Pennsylvania government, as well as Wash-
ington, were much alarmed by this mutiny fearing the
example might be contagious and lead to the dissolution of
the whole army. Therefore a committee of Congress, with
President Reed* at their head and some members of the
executive council of Pennsylvania, set out from Philadel-
phia for the purpose of allaying this dangerous commotion.

* Gen. Joseph Reed, formerly secretary to Washington.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1366

Sir Henry Qinton, who heard of the mutiny on the
morning of the 3d Qanuary 1781), was equally active in
endeavoring to turn it to the advantage of his govern-
ment. He ordered a large corps to be in readiness to
march on a moment's notice and sent two American spies
by way of Amboy and two by way of Elizabethtown, as
agents from himself to treat with the mutineers. But two
of the persons employed were actually spies on himself
and soon disclosed his proposals to the American authori-
ties. The two real spies on reaching Princeton were
seized by the mutineers and afterwards delivered up to
General Wayne who had them tried and executed on the
loth.

At first the mutineers declined leaving Princeton, but
finding their demands would be substantially complied
with they marched to. Trenton on the 9th, and before the
15th Qanuary 1781), the matter was so far settled that the
committee of Congress left Trenton and returned to Phila-
delphia. All who had enlisted for three years or during
the war were to be discharged, and in cases where the
terms of enlistment could not be produced the oath of the
soldier was to be received as evidence on the point. They
were to receive immediate certificates for the depreciation
on. their pay, and their arrears were to be settled as soon
as circumstances would admit. On those terms about
one-half of the Pennsylvania troops obtained their dis-
charge, numbers of them having, as afterwards appeared,
made false declarations concerning the terms of their
enlistment.

Intelligence of this mutiny was communicated to Wash-
ington at New Windsor before any accommodation had
taken place. Though he had been long accustomed to
decide in hazardous and difficult situations yet it was no
easy matter in this delicate crisis to determine on the most

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1366 WASHINGTON,

proper course to be pursued. His personal influence had
several times extinguished rising mutinies. The first
scheme that presented itself was to repair to the camp
of the mutineers and try to recall them to a sense of their
duty, but on mature reflection this was declined. He well
knew that their claims were founded in justice, but he
could not reconcile himself to wound the discipline of his
army by yielding to their demands while they were in open
revolt with arms in their hands. He viewed the subject
in all its relations and was well apprised that the principal
grounds of discontent were not peculiar to the Pennsyl-
vania line, but common to all the troops.

If force was requisite he had none to spare without
hazarding West Point. If concessions were unavoidable
they had better be made by any person than the Com-
mander-in-Chief. After that due deliberation which he
always gave to matters of importance he determined
against a personal interference and to leave the whole to
the civil authorities which had already taken it up, but at
the same time prepared for those measures which would
become necessary if no accommodation took place. This
resolution was communicated to Wayne, with a caution to
regard the situation of the other lines of the army in any
concessions which might be made and with a recommen-
dation to draw the mutineers over the Delaware, with a
view to increase the difficulty of communicating with the
enemy in New York. The result, however, showed that
this last was an unnecessary precaution.

The success of the Pennsylvania troops in exacting from
their country by violence what had been denied to the
claims of equity produced a similar spirit of insubordina-
tion in another division of the army. On the night of the
20th of January (1781), about 160 of the Jersey brigade,
which was quartered at Pompton, complaining of griev-

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UFB AND TIMES. 1367

ances similar to those of the Pennsylvania line and hoping
for equal success, rose in arms, and marched to Chatham
with the view of prevailing on some of their comrades sta-
tioned there to join them. Their number was not formida-
ble and Washington, knowing that he might depend on the
fidelity of the greater part of his troops detached Gen.
Robert Howe against the mutineers, with orders to force
them to unconditional submission and to execute some of
the most turbulent of them on the spot. These orders
were promptly obeyed and two of the ringleaders were put
to death.

Sir Henry Clinton, as in the case of the Pennsylvanians,
endeavored to take advantage of the mutiny of the Jersey
brigade. He sent emissaries to negotiate with them, and
detached General Robertson with 3,000 men to Staten
Island to be in readiness to support them if they should ac-
cede to his proposals, but the mutiny was so speedily
crushed that his emissaries had no time to act

The situation of Congress at this time was trying in the
extreme. The contest was now one for very existence.
A powerful foe was in full strength in the heart of the
country; they had g^eat military operations to carry on, but
were almost without an army and wholly without money.
Their bills of credit had ceased to be of any worth; and
they were reduced to the mortifying necessity of declaring
by their own acts that this was the fact, as they no longer
made them a legal tender or received them in payment of
taxes. Without money of some kind an army could neither
be raised nor maintained. But the greater the exigency
the greater were the exertions of Congress. They directed
their agents abroad to borrow, if possible, from France,
Spain, and Holland. They resorted to taxation, although
they knew that the measure would be unpopular and that
they had not the power to enforce thek decree. The tax

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1368 WASHINGTON.

laid they apportioned among the several States, by whose
authority it was to be collected. Perceiving that there was
great disorder and waste, or peculation, in the manage-
ment of the fiscal concerns they determined on introducing
a thorough reform and the strictest economy. They ac-
cordingly appointed as treasurer Robert Morris of Phila-
delphia, a man whose pure morals, ardent patriotism, and
great knowledge of financial concerns eminently fitted him
for this important station. The zeal and genius of Morris
soon produced the most favorable results. By means of the
" Bank of North America," to which in the course of the
year he obtained the approbation of Congress, he con-
trived to draw out the funds of wealthy individuals. By
borrowing in the name of the government from this bank
and pledging for payment the taxes not yet collected, he
was enabled to anticipate them and command a ready sup-
ply. He also used his own private credit which was good
though that of the government had failed, and at one
time bills signed by him individually, were in circulation
to the amount of $581,000.

The establishment of a revenue subject to the exclusive
control and direction of the Continental government was
connected inseparably with the restoration of credit. The
efforts, therefore, to negotiate a foreign loan were accom-
panied by resolutions requesting the respective States to
place a fund under the control of Congress which should
be both permanent and productive. A resolution was
passed recommending the respective States to vest a power
in Congress to levy for the use of the United States a duty
of five per centum advalorem on all goods imported into
any of them, and also on all prizes condemned in any of the
American courts of admiralty.

This fund was to be appropriated to the payment of both
the principal and interest of all debts contracted in the

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1369

prosecution of the war, and was to continue until those
debts should be completely discharged.

Congress at that time contained several members who
perceived the advantages which would result from bestow-
ing on the government of the nation the full power of
regulating commerce, and consequently, of increasing the
imports as circumstances might render advisable; but State
influence predominated and they were overruled by great
majorities. Even the inadequate plan which they did
recommend was never adopted. Notwithstanding the
greatness of the exigency and the pressure of the national
wants, never during the existence of the Confederation did
all the States unite in assenting to this recommendation,
so unwilling are men possessed of power to place it in the
hands of others.

About the same time a reform was introduced into the
administration the necessity of which had been long per-
ceived. From a misplaced prejudice against institutions
sanctioned by experience all the g^eat executive duties had
been devolved either on committees of Congress or on
boards consisting of several members. This unwieldy and
expensive system had maintained itself against all the
efforts of reason and public utility. But the scantiness of
the national means at length prevailed over prejudice, and
the several committees and boards yielded to a secretary
for foreign affairs, a superintendent of finance, a secretary
of war, and a secretary of marine. But so miserably de-
fective was the organization of Congress as an executive
body that the year (1781) had far advanced before this
measure, the utility of which all acknowledged, could be
carried into complete operation by making all the ap-
pointments.

The war had continued much longer than was originally
anticipated, and the natural resources of the country, mis-

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1370 WASHINGTON.

managed by the inexperience of the government and its
ignorance of the principles of political economy were so
much exhausted that it became apparent the war could
not be carried on without a foreign loan and France, suf-
ficiently embarrassed with her own affairs, was the only
country to which Congress could look for pecuniary aid.
Accordingly, Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, who had been
one of Washington's aids, was employed on this mission,
and besides endeavoring to negotiate a loan was instructed
to press on the French monarch the advantage of main-
taining a naval superiority in the American seas. While
the energies of America were thus paralyzed by the finan-
cial difficulties of Congress, the mutinous spirit of part
of the army and the selfishness and apathy of several of
the States, the British interest in the Provinces seemed in
a prosperous condition. General Greene, as we shall pres-
ently see, was maintaining a doubtful and hazardous strug-
gle against Comwallis on the northern frontier of North
Carolina. A British detachment from New York had made
a deep impression on Virginia where the resistance was
neither so prompt nor so vigorous as had been expected
from the strength of that State and the unanimity of its
citizens.

On the 1st of May, 1781, Washington commenced a mili-
tary journal. The following statement is extracted from it:
" I begin at this epoch a concise journal of military trans-
actions, &c. I lament not having attempted it from the
commencement of the war in aid of my memory, and wish
the multiplicity of matter which continually surrounds me
and the embarrassed state of our affairs which is momen-
tarily calling the attention to perplexities of one kind or
another may not defeat altogether or so interrupt my pres-
ent intention and plan as to render it of little avail.

" To have the clearer understanding of the entries whicK

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1371

may follow it would be proper to recite in detail our wants
and our prospects, but this alone would be a work of much
time and great magnitude. It may suffice to g^ve the sum
of them, which I shall do in a few words, viz. :

" Instead of having magazines filled with provisions we
have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the dis-
tant States.

" Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with mil-
itary stores they are poorly provided, and the workmen
all leaving them. Instead of having the various articles
of field equipage in readiness the quartermaster-general is
but now applying to the several States to provide these
things for their troops respectively. Instead of having a
regular system of transportation established upon credit,
or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray the con-
tingent expenses thereof we have neither the one nor the
other; and all that business, or a great part of it being done
by impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the
people, souring their tempers, and alienating their affec-
tions. Instead of having the regiments completed agreea-
ble to the requisitions of Congress, scarce any State in the
Union has at this hour one-eighth part of its quota in the
field, and there is little prospect of ever getting more than
half. In a word, instead of having anything in readiness to
take the field, we have nothing; and, instead of having the
prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us we
have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one,
unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, troops,
and money from our generous allies, and these at present
are too contingent to build upon."

While the Americans were suffering the complicated
calamities which introduced the year 1781 their adversaries
were carrying on the most extensive plan of operations
against them which had ever been attempted. It had often

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1372 WASHINGTON.

been objected to the British commanders that they had
not conducted the war in the manner most likely to effect
the subjugation of the revolted provinces. Military critics
found fault with them for keeping a large army idle at
New York, which, they said, if properly applied, would have
been sufficient to make successful impressions at one and
the same time on several of the States. The British seemed
to have calculated the campaign of 1781 with a view to
make an experiment of the comparative merit of this mode
of conducting military operations. The war raged in that
year not only in the vicinity of the British headquarters
at New York, but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro-
lina, and in Virginia.

In this extensive warfare Washington could have no
immediate agency in the southern department. His advice
in corresponding with the officers commanding in Virginia,
the Carolinas, and Georgia, was freely and beneficially
g^ven, and as large detachments sent to their aid as could
be spared consistently with the security of West Point.

In conducting the war his invariable maxim was to
suffer the devastation of property rather than hazard great
and essential objects for its preservation. While the war
raged in Virginia, Thomas Jefferson, the Governor, its rep-
resentatives in Congress, and other influential citizens,
urged his return to the defense of his native State. But
considering America as his country and the general safety
as his object, he deemed it of more importance to remain
on the Hudson. There he was not only securing the most
important post in the United States but concerting a grand
plan of combined operations which, as shall soon be re-
lated, not only delivered Virginia but all the States from
the calamities of the war.

In Washington's disregard of property when in competi-

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1373

tion with national objects he was in no respect partial to
his own. While the British were in the Potomac they
sent a flag to Mount Vernon requiring a supply of fresh
provisions. Refusals of such demands were often fol-
lowed by burning the houses and other property near the
river. To prevent this catastrophe the person intrusted
with the management of the estate went on board with the
flag and carrying a supply of provisions, requested that
the buildings and improvements might be spared. For
this he received a severe reprimand in a letter to him in
which Washington observed: " It would have been a less
painful circumstance to me to have heard that in conse-
quence of your noncompliance with the request of the
British they had burned my house and laid my plantation in
ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my repre-
sentative, and should have reflected on the bad example
of communicating with the enemy and making a voluntary
offer of refreshment to them with a view to prevent a
conflagration."

To the other difficulties with which Washington had to
contend in the preceding years of the war a new one was
about this time added. While the whole force at his dis-
posal was unequal to the defense of the country against
the common enemy, a civil war was on the point of break-
ing out among his fellow-citizens. The claims of Vermont
to be a separate, independent State, and of the State of
New York to their country, as within its chartered limits,
together with open offers from the royal commanders to
establish and defend them as a British province, produced
a serious crisis which called for the interference of the
American chief. This was the more necessary, as the
governments of New York and Vermont were both re-
solved on exercising a jurisdiction over the same people

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1374 WASHINGTON.

and the same territory. Congress, wishing to compromise
the controversy, on middle ground, resolved, in August,
1781, to accede to the independence of Vermont on certain
conditions and within certain specified limits which they
supposed would satisfy both parties. Contrary to their
expectations this mediatorial act of the national Leg-
islature was rejected by Vermont, and yet was so disa-
greeable to the Legislature of New York as to draw from
them a spirited protest against it. Vermont complained
that Congress interfered in their internal police; New York
viewed the resolve as a virtual dismemberment of their
State, which was a constituent part of the Confederacy.
Washington, anxious for the peace of the Union, sent a
message to Governor Chittenden of Vermont desiring to
know " what were the real designs, views, and intentions
of the people of Vermont; whether they would be satisfied
with the independence proposed by Congress, or had it
seriously in contemplation to join with the enemy and be-
come a British province." The Governor returned an
unequivocal answer: "That there were no people on the
continent more attached to the cause of America than the
people of Vermont, but they were fully determined not to
be put under the government of New York; that they would
oppose this by force of arms and would join with the British
in Canada rather than submit to that government" While
both States were dissatisfied with Congress, and their ani-
mosities, from increasing violence and irritation, became
daily more alarming, Washington, aware of the extremes
to which all parties were tending, returned an answer to
Governor Chittenden in which were these expressions:
" It is not my business, neither do I think it necessary now
to discuss the origin of the right of a number of inhabit-
ants to that tract of country formerly distinguished by

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UFE AND TIMES. 1375

the name of the New Hampshire grants, and now known
by that of Vermont. I will take it for granted that their
right was good, because Congress by their resolve of
the 17th of August imply it, and by that of the 21st are
willing fully to confirm it, provided the new State is
confined to certain described bounds. It appears,
therefore, to me that the dispute of boundary is the
only one that exists, and that being removed all other
difficulties would be removed also and the matter termi-
nated to the satisfaction of all parties. You have nothing
to do but withdraw your jurisdiction to the confines of
your old limits and obtain an acknowledgment of inde-
pendence and sovereignty under the resolve of the 21st of
August (1781), for so much territory as does not interfere
with the ancient established bounds of New York, New
Hampshire, and Massachusetts. In my private opinion,
while it behooves the delegates to do ample justice to a
body of people sufficiently respectable by their numbers
and entitled by other claims to be admitted into that con-
federation, it becomes them also to attend to the interests
erf their constituents and see that under the appearance of
justice to one they do not materially injure the rights of
others. I am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion
of Congress."

The impartiality, moderation, and good sense of this
letter, together with a full conviction of the disinterested
patriotism of the writer, brought round a revolution in the
minds of the Legislature of Vermont, and they accepted
the propositions of Congress though they had rejected
them four months before. A truce anwng the contending
parties followed and the storm blew over. Thus the per-
sonal influence of one man, derived from his pre-eminent
virtues and meritorious services, extinguished the sparks

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1376 WASHINGTON.

of civil discord at the time they were kindling into
flame.*

While Washington, during the early part of the year
1 78 1, was thus contending with every species of discour-
agement and difficulty, prevented from acting offensively
by want of means, and thus apparently wasting away the
fighting season in comparative inaction the war was ac-
tively raging in the southern States. To this grand theater
of hostilities, as interesting as they are terrible, we must
iK>w call the reader's attention.

♦It was during this dispute between New York and Vermont
that Gen. Ethan Allen, then residing in the latter State, received
large offers from the British to use his influence to detach Ver-
mont from the Union and annex it to Canada. Of course these
offers were indignantly rejected.

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CHAPTER XXI.

THB CAMPAIGN AT THB SOUTH.

1781.

IN our last notice of the movements and operations of
the contending armies in the southern States, we
left Comwallis, after a dreary and disastrous retreat,
at Wynnsborough. The Americans, in the meantime, were
not idle. Defeated, but not subdued, they were active in
preparing to renew the struggle. After the defeat and
dispersion of his army at Camden, General Gates retreated
to Charlotte, eighty miles from the field of battle. There
he halted to collect the straggling fugitives and to en-
deavor from the wreck of his discomfited army to form a
force with which he might check or impede the advancing
foe. He was soon joined by Generals Small wood and
Gist, and about 150 dispirited officers and soldiers. Most
of the militia who escaped returned home, and General
Caswell was ordered to assemble those of the neighboring
counties. Major Anderson of the Third Maryland regi-
ment, who had collected a number of fugitives not far from
the field of battle, proceeded toward Charlotte by easy
marches in order to give stragglers time to join him. But
as Charlotte was utterly indefensible and as no barrier lay
between it and the victorious enemy Gates retreated to
Salisbury and sent Colonel Williams, accompanied by an-
other officer, on the road leading to Camden to gain in-
formation of the movements of Comwallis, and to direct
such stragglers as he met to hasten to Salisbury. From
87

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1378 WASHINGTON,

Salisbury Gates proceeded to Hillsborough, where he in-
tended to assemble an army with which he might contend
for the southern Provinces.

It was from Hillsborough that he wrote the letter to
Washington, which we have already quoted, desiring the
exertion of his influence to prevent his being superseded
in the command of the southern army.

At Hillsborough every exertion was made to collect and
organize a military force and ere long Gates was again at
the head of 1,400 men. Even before the royal army en-
tered North Carolina that State had called out the second
division of its militia, under Generals Davidson and Stun-
ner, and they were joined by the volimteer cavalry under
Colonel Davie.

When Cornwallis entered Charlotte Gates ordered Gen-
eral Smallwood to take post at the fords of the Yadkin in
order to dispute the passage of the river, and Morgan,
who had joined the southern army with the rank of brigfa-
dier-general, was employed with a light corps to harass
the enemy.

When Cornwallis retreated Gates advanced to Char-
lotte; he stationed General Smallwood further down the
Catawba on the road to Camden and ordered Morgan to
some distance in his front. Such was the position of the
troops when Gates was superseded in the command of the
southern army.

On the 5th of October (1780) Congress, without any
previous indications of dissatisfaction, had passed a reso-
lution requiring Washington to order a court of inquiry
into the conduct of Major-General Gates, as commander
of the southern army, and to appoint another officer to
that command till such inquiry should be made. The order
of Congress to inquire into the conduct of Gates was un-
satisfactory, as we have already seen, to Washington. It

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1379

was afterward dispensed with and Gates restored to a com-
mand in the army.

Meanwhile Washington recommended Major-General
Greene to Congress as a person qualified to command the
southern army. Greene, by his activity, intrepidity, and
good conduct, had gained the confidence of Washington
long ago ; he had desired him to have the command when
Gates was appointed, as we have already seen, and he now
again recommended him as an officer in whose ability,
fortitude, and integrity he could trust.

On the 2d of December (1780) Greene arrived at Char-
lotte and informed Gates of his commission. That was
the first official notice which Gates, the former favorite of
Congress, received of his removal from the command of
the southern army. Next day Gates resigned the com-
mand of the army with becoming dignity and patriotism,
and Greene, who was dissatisfied with the treatment which
he had received, behaved toward him with the most polite
attention.

In a few hours after Greene entered on his command he
received the report of one of Morgan's foraging parties,
not far from Camden. The party advanced to the vicinity
of the British posts at Qermont, which was viewed by Col.
William A. Washington, who saw that it was too strong to
be taken by smallarms and cavalry, the only weapons and
force present; he therefore had recourse to stratagem.
Having made an imposing show of part of his men and
having placed the trunk of a pine tree in such a situation
as, at a distance, to have the appearance of a cannon, he
summoned the post to surrender, and it yielded without
firing a shot. The Tory Colonel Rugely and 112 men
whom he had collected in the place were made prisoners.
This inconsiderable event elated Greene's army and was

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1380 WASHINGTON.

considered by them as a good omen of success tmder then-
new leader.

General Greene's situation was embarrassing. His army
was feeble, consisting, on the 8th of December (1780), of
2,029 infantry, of whom 1482 were in camp and 547 in de-
tachment^; 821 were Continentals and 1,208 were militia.
Besides these there were 90 cavalry, 60 artillerymen, and
128 Continentals on extra service, constituting in all a
force of 2,307 men.

In North Carolina there were many Loyalists, and hos-
tilities were carried on between them and their republican
neighbors with the most rancorous animosity. The
country was thinly inhabited and abounded in woods and
swamps. The cultivated parts were laid waste by hostile
factions, and no magazines for the army were provided.
The troops were almost naked, and Greene obliged to pro-
cure subsistence for them day by day.

He found that he could not long remain at Charlotte
for the country between that place and Camden, having
been traversed by the contending armies, was quite ex-
hausted. In order, therefore, to procure subsistence for
his troops, as well as to distract and harass the enemy,
Greene, though fully aware of the danger of such a
measure, felt himself constrained to divide his little army.

General Morgan had been invested with the command of
the light troops by Gates, and Greene placed him at the
head of one of the divisions of his army, consisting of
nearly 400 infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Howard,
170 Virginia riflemen under Major Triplett, and 80 light
dragoons under Lieut.-Col. William A. Washington. With
this small force Morgan was sent to the south of the
Catawba to observe the British at Wjmnsborough and
Camden and to shift for himself, but was directed to risk
as little as possible. On the 25th of December (1780) he

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UFE AND TIMES, 1381

took a position toward the western frontier of South Caro-
lina, not far from the confluence of the Pacolet and Broad
rivers, and about fifty miles northwest from Wynnsborough.
With the other division of his army Greene left Charlotte
on the 20th of the same month (December, 1780), and on
the 29th arrived at Hick's Corner on the east side of the
Pedee, opposite the Cheraw hills, about seventy miles
northeast from Wynnsborough, where he remained some
time. He marched to that place in the hope of finding
more plentiful subsistence for his troops, but his difficulties
in that respect were not much diminished, for the country
was almost laid waste by the cruel feuds of the hostile
factions.

•General Morgan did not long remain inactive. On the
27th of December (1780) he detached Colonel Washington
with his dragoons and 200 militia, who next day marched
forty miles, surprised a body of Loyalists at Ninety-six,
killed or wounded 150 of them, and took 40 prisoners,
without sustaining any loss. At that time Morgan was
joined by Major M'Dowell with 200 North Carolina, and
by Colonel Pickens with 70 South Carolina militia.

The British had to contend not only with the force under
Greene and Morgan, but were also obliged to watch other
adversaries not less active and enterprising. Sumter had
been defeated by Tarleton on the i8th of August (1780),
and his followers dispersed, but that daring and indefati-
gable partisan did not long remain quiet. He was soon
again at the head of a considerable band and had frequent
skirmishes with his adversaries. Always changing his posi-
tion about Enoree, Broad, and Tiger rivers, he often as-
sailed the British posts in that quarter. On the 12th of
November (1780) he was attacked at Broad river by Major
Wemyss, but repulsed the party and made the major pris-
oner. On the 20th of the same month he was attacked by

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1383 WASHINGTON.

Tarleton at Black Stocks, near Tiger river ; the encounter
was sharp and obstinate ; Tarleton was repulsed with loss,
but Sumter was wounded in the battle, and, being unfitted
for active service, his followers dispersed. Sumter showed
much htunanity to his prisoners. Although Wemyss had
deliberately hanged Mr. Cusack in the Cheraw district, and
although he had in his pocket a list of several houses
burned by his orders, yet he met with every indulgence.
At Black Stocks the wounded were kindly treated.

Other partisan chiefs arose and among them General
Marion held a distinguished place. He had commanded
a regiment in Charleston at the time of the siege, but hav-
ing received a wound* which fractured his leg, and being
incapable of discharging the active duties of his office, he
withdrew from the town. On the advance of Gates, hav-
ing procured a band of followers, he penetrated to the
Santee, harassed the British detachments, and discouraged
the Loyalists. After the defeat of the Americans at Cam-
den he rescued a party of Continental prisoners who were
under a British guard. So ill was he provided with arms
that he was obliged to forge the saws of the sawmills into
rude swords for his horsemen, and so scanty was his am-
munition that at times he engaged when he had not three
cartridges to each of his party. He secured himself from
pursuit in the recesses of the forest and in deep swamps, t

* Marion was a strict temperance man. Being at a dinner party
where the gfuests, determined on a hard drinking bout, had locked
the door to prevent his exit, he jumped out of a second-story
window, and broke his leg. This was the wound above referred
to. It occasioned him to leave the city. He thus escaped sur-
rendering when Charleston fell, and his temperance preserved to
the country one of its bravest defenders.

t Marion, on account of his successful stratagems and sudden
surprises of the British, was called by them the Swamp-Fox, His
own cotmtrymen styled him the Bayard of the South.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1383

ComwalHs impatiently waited the arrival of reinforce-
ments. After the victory at Camden, when he was flushed
with the sanguine hope not only of overrunning North
Carolina, but of invading Virginia, General Leslie was de-
tached from New York to the southward with a consider-
able body of troops, and, according to orders, landed in
Virginia, expecting to meet the southern army in that
State. On finding himself unable to accomplish his lofty
schemes, and obliged to fall back into South Carolina,
Comwallis ordered Leslie to re-embark and sail for Charles-
ton. He arrived there on the 13th of December (1780),
and on the 19th began his march with 1,500 men to join
Comwallis. His lordship resolved to begin offensive op-
erations immediately on the arrival of his reinforcements,
but, in the meantime, alarmed by the movements of Mor-
gan for the safety of the British post at Ninety-six, he de-
tached Tarleton with the light and legion infantry, the
fusileers or Seventh regiment, the first battalion of the
Seventy-first regiment, 350 cavalry, 2 field pieces, and an
adequate number of the royal artillery, in all about 1,100
men, with orders to strike a blow at Morgan and drive
him out of the province. As Tarlcton's force was known
to be superior to that under Morgan, no doubt whatever
was entertained of the precipitate flight or total discom-
fiture of the Americans.

Meanwhile Comwallis left Wynnsborough and pro-
ceeded toward the northwest, between the Broad and
Catawba rivers. General Leslie, who had halted at Cam-
den in order to conceal as long as possible the road which
the British army was to take, was now ordered to advance
up the Catawba and join the main body on its march. By
this route Comwallis hoped to intercept Morgan if he
should escape Tarleton, or perhaps to get between General
Greene and Virginia and compel him to fight before the

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1384 WASHINGTON,

arrival of his expected reinforcements. The British gen-
erals incumbered with baggage and military stores, march-
ing through bad roads, and a country intersected by
rivulets which were often swollen by the rains, advanced
but slowly. Tarleton, however, with his light troops, pro-
ceeded with great celerity and overtook Morgan probably
sooner than was expected.

On the 14th of January (1781) Morgan was informed
of the movements of the British army and got notice ol
the march of Tarleton and of the force under his command.
Sensible of his danger he began to retreat, and crossed the
Pacolet, the passage of which he was inclined to dispute,
but, on being told that Tarleton had forded the river six
miles above him, he made a precipitate retreat, and at ten
at night on the i6th of January the British took possession
of the ground which the Americans had kft a few hours
before.

Although his troops were much fatigued by several days'
hard marching through a difficult country, yet, determined
that Morgan should not escape, Tarleton resumed the pur-
suit at three next morning, leaving his baggage behind
under a guard with orders not to move till break of day.
Morgan, though retreating, was not disinclined to fight.
By great exertions he might have crossed Broad river or
reached a hilly tract of country before he could have been
overtaken. He was inferior to Tarleton in the number of
his troops, but more so in their quality, as a considerable
part of his force consisted of militia, and the British cav-
alry were three times more numerous than the American.
But Morgan, who had great confidence both in himself
and in his men, was apprehensive of being overtaken be-
fore he could pass Broad river, and he chose rather to
fight voluntarily than to be forced to a battle. Therefore,
having been joined by some militia under Colonel Pickens,

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UFE AND TIMES. 1385

he halted at a place called the Cowpens, about three miles
from the line of separation between North and South Caro-
lina. Before daylight on the morning of the 17th of Jan-
uary (1781), he was informed of the near approach of
Tarleton, and instantly prepared to receive him.

The ground on which Morgan halted had no great ad-
vantages, but his dispositions were judicious. On rising
ground, in an open wood, he drew up his Continental
troops and Triplett's corps, amounting together to nearly
500 men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Howard. Colonel
Washington with his cavalry was posted in their rear,
behind the eminence, ready to act as occasion might
require. At a small distance in front of his Con-
tinentals was a line of militia under Colonel Pickens and
Major M'Dowell, and 150 yards in front of Pickens was
stationed a battalion of North Carolina and Georgia vol-
unteers under Major Cunningham, with orders to give
one discharge on the approaching enemy, and then to re-
treat and join the militia. Pickens was directed, when he
could no longer keep his ground, to fall back with a re-
treating fire and form on the right of the Continentals.

Scarcely were those dispositions made when the British
van appeared. Tarleton, who had been informed by two
prisoners of Morgan's position -and strength, instantly
formed his troops. The light and legion infantry and the
Seventh regiment, and a captain with fifty dragoons on
each flank, constituted his first line ; the first battalion of
the Seventy-first regiment and the rest of the cavalry
composed the reserve. Formerly Tarleton had succeeded
by sudden and impetuous assaults, and, entertaining no
doubt of speedy and complete victory on the present occa-
sion, he led on his men to the attack with characteristic
ardor, even before his troops were well formed. The
British rushed forward impetuously, shouting and firing

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1386 WASHINGTON.

as they advanced. The American volunteers, after a single
discharge, retreated to the militia under Pickens. The
British advanced rapidly, and furiously attacked the militia,
who soon gave way and sought shelter in the rear of the
Continentals. Tarleton eagerly pressed on, but the Conti-
nentals, undismayed by the retreat of the militia, received
him firmly, and an obstinate conflict ensued. Tarleton or-
dered up his reserve, and the Continental line was shaken
by the violence of the onset Morgan ordered his men to
retreat to the summit of the eminence and was instantly
obeyed. The British, whose ranks were somewhat thinned,
exhausted by the previous march and by the struggle in
which they had been engaged, and believing the victory
won, pursued in some disorder, but, on reaching the top
of the hill, Howard ordered his men to wheel and face the
enemy; they instantly obeyed and met the pursuing foe
with a well-directed and deadly fire. This unexpected and
destructive volley threw the British into some confusion,
which Howard observing, ordered his men to charge them
with the bayonet. Their obedience was as prompt as be-
fore, and the British line was soon broken. About the
same moment Washington routed the cavalry on the Brit-
ish right, who had pursued the flying militia and were cut-
ting them down on the left and even in the rear of the
Continentals. Ordering his men not to fire a pistol, Wash-
ington charged the British cavalry sword in hand. The
conflict was sharp, but not of long duration. The British
were driven from the ground with considerable loss and
closely pursued. Howard and Washington pressed the
advantage which they had gained; many of the militia
rallied and joined in the battle. In a few minutes after
the British had been pursuing the enemy, without a doubt
of victory, the fortune of the day entirely changed; their
artillerymen were killed, their cannon taken, and the

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UFE AND TIMES. 1387

greater part of the infantry compelled to lay down their
arms. Tarleton, with about forty horse, made a furious
charge on Washington's cavalry, but the battle was irre-
coverably lost, and he was reluctantly obliged to retreat
Upwards of 200 of his cavalry, who had not been engaged,
fled through the woods with the utmost precipitation, bear-
ing away with them such of the officers as endeavored to
oppose their flight. The only part of the infantry which
escaped was the detachment left to guard the baggage,
which they destroyed when informed of the defeat, and,
mounting the wagons and spare horses, hastily retreated
to the army. The cavalry arrived in camp in two divisions ;
one in the evening, with the tidings of their disastrous dis-
comfiture, and the other, under Tarleton himself, appeared
next morning.

In this battle the British had ten commissioned oflScers
and upwards of 100 privates killed. More than 500 were
made prisoners, nearly 200 of whom, including twenty-
nine commissioned officers, were wounded. Two pieces of
artillery, two standards, 800 muskets, thirty-five baggage
wagons and about 100 horses fell into the hands of the
Americans whose loss amounted only to 12 men killed and
60 wounded. The British force under Tarleton has been
commonly estimated at 1,100 men, and the American army
at 1,000, although Morgan, in his official report to Greene,
written two days after the battle, states it to have been
only 800.*

♦The action at the Cowpens was one of the medal victories.
Congress had separate gold medals struck in honor of it, and pre-
sented to Morgan, Howard, and Col. William A. Washington.
The name Cowpens, according to Irving, comes from the old
designation of Hannah's Cowpens, the place being part of a graz-
ing establishment belonging to a man named Hannah. The
worthy grazier conld hardly have foreseen the immortality which
was destined to attach to his cow-pens.

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1888 WASHINGTON.

Cornwallis was ?.t Turkey creek, twenty-five miles from
the Cowpens, confident of the success of his detachment
or at least without the slightest apprehension of its defeat.
He was between Greene and Morgan and it was a matter
of much importance to prevent their junction and to over-
throw the one of them while he coujd receive no support
from the other. For that purpose he had marched up
Broad river and instructed General Leslie to proceed on
the banks of the Catawba in order to keep the Americans
in a state of uncertainty concerning the route which he
intended to pursue, but the unexpected defeat of his de-
tachment was an occurrence equally mortifying and per-
plexing and nothing remained but to endeavor to com-
pensate the disaster by the rapidity of his movements and
the decision of his conduct.

He was as near the fords of the Catawba as Morgan
and flattered himself that, elated with victory and incum-
bered with prisoners and baggage, that officer might yet
be overtaken before he could pass those fords. Accord-
ingly, on the i8th of January, (1781) he formed a junction
with General Leslie and on the 19th began his remarkable
pursuit of Morgan. In order the more certainly to accom-
plish his en4 at Ramsour's Mills he destroyed the whole
of his superfluous baggage. He set the example by consid-
erably diminishing the quantity of his own and was readily
imitated by his officers although some of them suffered
much less by the measure. He retained no wagons except
those loaded with hospital stores and ammunition and four
empty ones for the accommodation of the sick and
wounded. But notwithstanding all his privations and
exertions he ultimately missed his aim for Morgan dis-
played as much prudence and activity after his victory as
bravery in gaining it. Fully aware of his danger he left
behind him, under a flag of truce, such of the wounded

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UFE AND TIMES. 1389

as could not be moved with surgeons to attend them, and
scarcely giving his men time to breathe he sent off his pris-
oners under an escort of militia and followed with his
regular troops and cavalry, bringing up the rear in person.
He crossed Broad river at the upper fords, hastened to the
Catawba, which he reached on the evening of the 28th,
and safely passed it with his prisoners and troops next
day — his rear having gained the northern bank only about
two hours before the van of the British army appeared on
the opposite side.

Much rain had fallen on the mountains a short time
before and it rained incessantly during the night. The
river rose and in the morning was impassable. Morgan
made a hair-breadth escape, for had the river risen a few
hours sooner he would have been unable to pass and prob-
ably would have been overtaken and overwhelmed by his
pursuers and had the flood in the river been a little later
Cornwallis might have forced a passage and entirely dis-
comfited the American division. But it was two days
before the inundation subsided, and in that interval
Morgan sent off his prisoners towards Charlotteville, in
Virginia, under an escort of militia and they were soon
beyond the reach of pursuit. The Americans regarded
the swelling of the river with pious gratitude as an inter-
position of Heaven in their behalf and looked forward with
increased confidence to the day of ultimate success.

Morgan called for the assistance of the neighboring
militia, and prepared to dispute the passage of the river;
but on the 31st of January (1781), while he lay at Sher-
wood's ford. General Greene unexpectedly appeared in
camp and took on himself the command. Toward the
end of December, (1781) Grreene, as already mentioned,
took a position at Hick's creek on the east side of the
Peedee, and had in camp 1,100 Continental and State

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1390 WASHINGTON,

troops fit for service. On the 12th of January (1781) he
was joined by Col. Henry Lee's partisan legion which ar-
rived from the North and consisted of 100 well-mounted
horsemen and 120 infantry. This reinforcement was next
day dispatched on a secret expedition and in order to
divert the attention of the enemy from the movements of
the legion, Major Anderson, with a small detachment was
sent down the Peedee. On the night of the 24th, Lee
surprised Georgetown and killed some of the garrison,
but the greater part fled into the fort which Lee was not
in a condition to besiege.

Although Comwallis perceived that he would meet with
opposition yet he determined to force the passage. The
river was about 500 yards wide, three feet deep, and the
stream rapid. The light infantry of the guards under
Colonel Hall, accompanied by a guide, first entered the
ford ; they were followed by the grenadiers who were suc-
ceeded by the battalions. As soon as Davidson perceived
the direction of the British column he led his men to the
point where it was about to land. But before he arrived
the light infantry had overcome all difficulties and were
ascending the bank and forming. While passing the river,
in obedience to orders, they reserved their fire, and, on
gaining the bank, soon put the militia to flight. Davidson
was the last to retreat and on mounting his horse to retire
he received a mortal wound.

The defeat of Davidson opened the passage of the river.
All the American parties retreated, and on the same day
the rest of the British army crossed at Beattie's ford.
Tarleton, with the cavalry and the Twenty-third regiment,
was sent in pursuit of the militia, and being informed on
his march that the neighboring militia were assembling at
Tarrant's tavern, about ten miles distant, he hastened
with the cavalry to that place. About 500 militia were

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1391

assembled and seemed not unprepared to receive him. He
attacked them with his usual impetuosity and soon de-
feated and dispersed them with considerable slaughter.
The passage of the river and the total discomfiture of the
party at Tarrant's tavern so much intimidated the inhabit-
ants of the country that the royal army received no fur-
ther trouble from the militia till it had passed the Yadkin.

A grand military race now began between the retreating
Americans under Greene and the pursuing British under
Comwallis. Greene marched so rapidly that he passed
the Yadkin at the trading ford on the night between the
2d and 3d of February (1781), partly by fording and partly
by means of boats and flats. So closely was he pursued
that the British van was often in sight of the American
rear and a sharp conflict happened not far from the ford,
between a body of American riflemen and the advanced
guard of the British army, when the latter obtained pos-
session of a few wagons. Greene secured all the boats
on the south side and here it again happened as at the
Catawba — the river suddenly rose by reason of the pre-
ceding rains and the British were unable to pass. This
second escape by the swelling of the waters was inter-
preted by the Americans as a visible interposition of
Heaven in their behalf and inspired then with a lofty
enthusiasm in that cause which seemed to be the peculiar
care of Omnipotence.

Greene, released from the immediate pressure of his pur-
suers, continued his march northward and on the 7th of
February joined his division under Huger and Williams
near Guilford Courthouse.

In order to cover his retreat and to check the pursuing
enemy Greene formed a lig^t corps out of Lee's legion,
Howard's infantry, Washington's cavalry, and some Vir-
ginia riflemen under Major Campbell, amounting to 700

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1392 WASHINGTON.

men, the flower of the southern army. As General Mor-
gan was severely indisposed the command of these light
troops was given to Col. Otho Holland Williams, formerly
adjutant-general.

Having refreshed his troops, and made the necessary ar-
rangements on the morning of the loth of February (1781),
Greene left Guilford Courthouse on his march towards the
Dan, and was pursued by Comwallis, who had been de-
tained by the long circuit which he was obliged to make
in order to pass the Yadkin. The retreat and pursuit
were equally rapid, but the boldness and activity of the
American light troops compelled the British to march
compactly and with caution, for on one occasion Colonel
Lee charged the advanced cavalry of the British army sud-
denly and furiously, killed a number, and made some pris-
oners. On this occasion Comwallis felt the loss of the
light troops who had been killed or taken at the Cowpens.
He was destined to regret their loss through the rest of
the campaign.

Greene's precautions and preparations for passing the
Dan were successful and on the 14th of February he
crossed that river at Boyd's and Irwin's ferries with his
army, baggage, and stores. Although his light troops
had marched forty miles that day, yet the last of them
had scarcely reached the northern bank when the advanced
guard of the British army appeared on the other side of
the river.

The escape of Greene into Virginia without a battle
and without any loss except a few wagons at the Yadkin,
was a severe disappointment to Comwallis. He had en-
tirely failed in his attempts against Greene, but he was
consoled by the reflection that he had completely driven
him out of North Carolina, and that now there was noth-

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ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1393

ing to hinder the loyal mhabitants from openly espousing
the British cause and reinforcing the royal army.

Comwallis now gave up the pursuit and repaired to
Hillsborough with the view of calling out and organizing
the Royalist forces. His adherents, though here particu-
larly strong, did not come forward to the extent expected.
The larger portion, as elsewhere, regarded the cause with
that passive and inert attachment which we have remarked
to be generally prevalent and even the more zealous hav-
ing suffered severely by former premature displays,
dreaded lest the republican cause should regain the ascend-
ancy. The view also of the distress and exhaustion of the
British troops after so long a march was by no means
alluring. Yet seven companies were formed and detach-
ments began to come in from different quarters.

On the other hand, Greene, having obtained a reinforce-
ment of Virginia militia, repassed the Dan and with his
light troops endeavored to annoy the British army and
prevent recruiting. Major Lee surprised a detachment of
Royalists who mistook him for Tarleton and cut them
nearly to pieces. On account of the exhausted state of the
country at Hillsborough, Comwallis soon withdrew to a
position on the Allimance creek between Haw and Deep
rivers, where he could be better supplied and support his
friends who were numerous there. Greene, however, by
an active use of his cavalry and light troops, severely har-
assed his opponent and by changing his own position every
night, eluded the attempt to bring him to an engagement.

At length General Greene, having received reinforce-
ments which raised his army to above 4,200 men, of whom
about a third were regulars, determined to offer battle.
This was what Comwallis had eagerly sought, yet his own
effective force being reduced to somewhat under 2,000 he
felt now some hesitation, and probably would have acted

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1394 WASHINGTON.

more wisely in maintaining the defensive. Even the en-
terprising" Tarleton observes that in his circumstances
defeat would have been total ruin, while any victory he
might expect to gain could yield little fruit. All the habits
and views of Cornwallis, however, being directed to an
active campaign, he formed his resolution and, on the 15th
of March (1781), proceeded to the attack. Greene had
drawn up his array very judiciously near Guilford Court-
house mostly on a range of hills covered with trees and
brushwood.

Greene made disposition of his troops in the following
order: The first line was composed of North Carolina
militia, the right under General Eaton and the left under
General Butler, with two pieces of artillery under Captain
Singleton. The right flank was supported by Kirkwood's
Delawareans, Lynch's reflemen, and the cavalry, all under
Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, and the left in like man-
ner by Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell's riflemen and the
infantry of the legion, all under Lieutenant-Colonel Lee.
The second line, which was formed 300 yards in the rear of
the first, consisted of two brigades of Virginia militia, the
right under General Lawson and the left under General
Stevens. The third, 400 yards in reserve was formed upon
the brow of the hill near the courthouse. The right of this
line was composed of Hawes's and Greene's Virginia regi-
ments imder General Huger; the left of the first and second
Maryland regiments, the former under Gunby, the latter
under Ford — the whole commanded by Colonel Williams.
In the center of the last line was placed the remainder of
the artillery.

Captain Singleton commenced his fire, which was re-
turned by the enemy, who had formed their line of battle — •
the right wing under General Leslie and the left under
Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, with the artillery in the center

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UFE AND TIMES. 1395

under Lieutenant-Colonel McLeod. The first battalion of
the guards, under Lieutenant-Colonel Norton, served as a
support for the right, and the second, with one company
of grenadiers under General O'Hara, for the left wing.
Tarleton's dragoons were held in reserve. The British
commander having made all his dispositions advanced,
fired one round, and charged bayonets. Our militia having
given a few shots while the enemy was at a distance were
seized by a panic when they saw him coming down upon
them. Many of them threw away their muskets, and the
entreaties of Butler, Eaton, and Davie, with the threats of
Lee, were of no avail. Almost the entire body fled. The
artillery now retired to the left of the Marylanders. At
this crisis the enemy considered victory as already within
his grasp and continued to push on when he was attacked
on his right and left by Lee and Washington. Comwallis
perceiving this threw one regiment out to engage Lee, and
one regiment 'together with his light infantry and yagers
to resist Washington, filling up the breach thus created by
advancing the grenadiers with two battalions of the guards,
which had formed the supports to the flanks. Lee and
Washington fell back in good order, delivering their fire
until they came up with the second line which gave battle
in good earnest. The right flank was supported by Wash-
ington, who ordered Lynch's riflemen to fall upon the left
of Webster, who had to be supported by O'Hara. Here
Webster ordered the Thirty-third regiment to attack Lynch
and was thereby in a measure relieved. O'Hara charged
the Virginia right wing, which was obliged to yield ground.
Lee on the left nobly did his duty and firmly held his
position. When the militia on the right gave way those
on the left fell back and were not rallied until they came
up on the left of the third line. Campbell's riflemen and
Lee's legion stood perfectly firm and continued the contest

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1396 WASHINGTON,

against one regiment, one battalion, and a body of infantry
and riflemen. The American reserve, with the artillery
posted in a most favorable position, was fresh and ready for
the word of command. Webster having overcome the
Americans of the second line in his iront advanced upon
the third and was received by Gimby's Maryland regiment
with a most galling fire which made his troops falter.
Gunby advanced, charging bayonets, when the enemy was
completely routed.

Leslie, after the left of the Virginia militia gave way,
advanced to the suppcMt of O'Hara, who had forced the
American right wing, and the combined commands of these
generals charged the Second Maryland regiment of the
third line. This regiment, panic-stricken, fled. Gunby,
coming up at the time, held the enemy in check and a
deadly conflict ensued. Gunby having his horse shot under
him, Lieutenant-Colonel Howard assumed the command.
Washington seeing how hot was the battle at this point
pushed forward and charged the enemy, and Howard ad-
vancing with his bayonets levelled, the British were com-
pletely routed.

The pursuit was continued for some distance when Com-
wallis came up and determined to gain the victory at any
cost He opened the fire of his artillery alike on friend and
foe, causing an indiscriminate slaughter of British and
Americans.

The British were rallied at all points, and Greene, con-
sidering it better to preserve the advantages he had gained,
withdrew his forces. This was done in good order and
Comwallis continued the pursuit but a short distance.
The loss of the Americans was about 400 in killed and
wounded; that of the British about 800. The enemy re-
tained the field, but his victory was both empty, and
disastrous.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1397

Notwithstanding Comwallis claimed a victory he re-
solved to fall back on Wilmington, near the mouth of Cape
Fear river, where he could recruit his troops and obtain
supplies and reinforcements by sea.

Greene retreated about fifteen miles, taking post behind
a small stream called Troublesome creek, where he ex-
pected and awaited an attack.

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CHAPTER XXII.

THE CAMPAIGN AT THB SOUTH CONCLUDED.

1781.

WHILE the events recorded in the last chapter were
passing Washington was by no means a passive
spectator. He held a constant correspondence
with Greene and sent him all the aid he could. Writing
to him on the 9th of January, 1781, he says: " It is impossi-
ble for anyone to sympathize more feelingly with you in
the sufferings and distresses of the troops than I do, and
nothing could aggravate my unhappiness so much as the
want of ability to remedy or alleviate the calamities which
they suffer and in which we participate but too largely.
* * * The brilliant action of General Sumter and the
stratagem of Colonel Washington* deserve great com-
mendation. It gives me inexpressible pleasure to find that
such a spirit of enterprise and intrepidity still prevails."

Writing to Greene again (on the 21st of March, 1781),
he says: "You may be assured that your retreat before
Lord Comwallis is highly applauded by all ranks and re-
flects much honor on your military abilities." Such words,
from such a man, must have inspirited Greene amidst his
toils and perils.

Greene, writing to Washington three days after the

* Referring to the affair at Rugely's Mills, where Colonel Wash-
ington frightened the militia colonel into a surrender by means of
a pine log mounted like a cannon.

(1398)

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UFE AND TIMES. 1399

battle of Guilford Courthouse, says: " In my former letters
I inclosed to your Excellency the probable strength of
the British army, since which they have been constantly
declining. Our force, as you will see by the returns, was
respectable, and the probability of not being able to keep
it long in the field, and the difficulty of subsisting men in
this exhausted country, together with the great advantages
which would result from the action if we were victorious,
and the little injury if we were otherwise, determined me
to bring on an action as soon as possible. When both
parties are agreed in a matter all obstacles are soon re-
moved. I thought the determination warranted by the
soundest principles of good policy and I hope events will
prove it so though we were unfortunate. I regret nothing
so much as the loss of my artillery, though it was of little
use to us, nor can it be in this great wilderness. How-
ever, as the enemy have it, we must also."

" Lord Cornwallis," he writes in the same letter, " will
not give up this country without being roundly beaten. I
wish our force was more competent to the business. But
I am in hopes, by little and little, to reduce him in time.
His troops are good, well found, and fight with great
obstinacy. * * *

" Virginia has given me every support I could wish or
expect since Lord Cornwallis has been in North Carolina,
and nothing has contributed more to this than the preju-
dice of the people in favor of your Excellency which has
been extended to me from the friendship you have been
pleased to honor me witfi."

The reader will not fail to observe the soundness of
Greene's judgment as to the beneficial effect of the battle
of Guilford Courthouse. It was truly a disastrous victory
for Cornwallis and a fortunate defeat for Greene, whose
subsequent operations we must now notice.

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1400 WASHINGTON.

When Greene took his position at the ironworks on
Troublesome creek after the battle of Guilford Courthouse
he expected that Cornwallis would follow up his advan-
tage and attack him without delay. He therefore prepared
again to fight. His army, indeed, was much diminished,
but he had lost more in numbers than in effective strength.
The militia, many of whom had returned home, had shown
themselves very inefficient in the held. As soon as he
received certain information that instead of pursuing, Corn-
wallis was retreating, he resolved to follow him and ad-
vanced accordingly.

Greene was now in his turn the pursuer and followed
Cornwallis so closely that skirmishes occasionally hap-
pened between his advanced parties and the rear guard
of the British army, but no conflict of importance ensued.
On the morning of the 28th of March he arrived at Ram-
say's Mills, on Deep river, a strong post which the British
had evacuated a few hours before, crossing the river by a
bridge erected for the purpose. There Greene paused and
meditated on his future movements. His army, like that
of the British, for some time past had suffered much from
heavy rains, deep roads, and scarcity of provisions. On
reaching Ramsay's Mills his men were starving with hun-
ger and fed voraciously on some fresh quarters of beef left
behind by the British army. The troops were much ex-
hausted and stood in need of repose and refreshment
Besides in that critical state of the campaign he found
himself reduced to a handful of Continentals. Most of the
militia had left him. Small as his army was he found
great difficulty in procuring subsistence for it

Cornwallis had fairly the start of the Americans and
was advancing to a place where he would find more plen-
tiful supplies and easily communicate with the sea; so that
Greene was sensible that with the force then under his

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UFE AND TIMES, 1401

command he could make no impression on him. He re-
solved, therefore, instead of following his oppcment, to
proceed to South Carolina. That step, he thought, would
oblige Comwallis either to follow him or to abandon his
posts in the upper parts of the southern States. If he
followed him North Carolina would be relieved and enabled
to raise its quota of men for the Continental service, but if
he remained in that State or proceeded to the northward
it was likely that the greater part of the British posts in
South Carolina and Georgia would be reduced and that
those States would be restored to the Union. He enter-
tained little apprehension erf Comwallis being able with
the force then tmder his command to make any permanent
impression on the powerful State of Virginia.

Having refreshed his troops and collected provisions for
a few days Greene moved from Ramsay's Mills, on Deep
river, on the sth of April (1781), toward Camden, and on
the morning of the 20th of the same month encamped at
Logtown in sight of the British works at that place.

Soon after his arrival at Wilmington, Comwallis re-
ceived certain information that Greene was proceeding
to South Carolina, and it threw him into much perplexity.
He was alarmed for the safety of Lord Rawdon, but,
though desirous of assisting him, he was convinced that
the Americans were already so far advanced that it was
impossible for him to arrive at Camden in time to succor
Rawdon if he should need it. His lordship's fate and that
of his garrison would probably be decided long before he
could reach them, and if Greene should be successful at
Camden, he, by attempting to relieve it, might be hemmed
in between the great rivers and exposed to the most immi-
nent hazard. On the other hand, if Rawdon should defeat
Greene there would be no need of his assistance. A move-
ment so perilous in the execution and promising so little

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1402 WASHINGTON.

in the result was abandoned and Rawdon left to his own
resources.

Greene, without regard to the movements of his oppo-
nent, pushed on and established himself at Hobkirk's Hill,
about a mile from Rawdon's headquarters at Camden.
The militia having either deserted or their term of service
being expired his force was reduced to i,8oo men, but those
in fact included all on whom he could ever place much
dependence. Camden was occupied by Rawdon with about
800 men, the other troops being employed upon the de-
fense of detached posts, yet his position was judged so
strong as to afford no hope of success in a direct attack.
The object aimed at was, by throwing out detachments
which might capture the forts and cut off the supplies in
his rear, to compel him gradually to fall back. Lee, for
this purpose, was sent with a strong party to co-operate
with Marion and Sumter. The English general seeing the
hostile troops thus reduced to about 1,500, formed the bold
resolution of attacking them. Making a large circuit round
a swamp he came upon their left flank quite unexpectedly,
while the soldiers were busied in cooking and washing.
This first surprise was never wholly recovered, yet they
quickly stood to their arms and formed in order of battle.
They had even gained some advantages when the First
Maryland regiment, considered the flower of the army and
which had highly distinguished itself both at Cowpens and
Guilford, fell into confusion, and when ordered to make a
retrograde movement, converted it into a complete retreat.
The other corps also, beginning to give ground, Greene
thought it expedient to cause the whole to retire. The
loss on each side was about 260 killed and wounded, and
the Americans carried off fifty prisoners, including six
officers.

This battle, commonly called the battle of Hobkirk's

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UFE AND TIMES, 1403

Hill, reflected much honor on Lord Rawdon considering
the disproportion of force which was, in fact, greater than
at Guilford, yet it did not change materially the relative
situation of the armies. Greene cotdd still maintain his
position and support the detachments operating in the rear
of his adversary.

Lee and Marion proceeded next against Fort Watson
on the Santee which commanded in a great measure the
communication with Charleston. Having neither artillery
nor besieging tools they reared a tower above the level
of the rampart whence their rifle fire drove the defenders,
and themselves then mounted and compelled the garrison
to surrender. They could not, however, prevetit Colonel
Watson from leading 500 men to reinforce Lord Rawdon,
who then advanced with the intention of bringing Greene
again to action, but found him fallen back upon so strong
a position as to afford no reasonable hope of success. His
lordship finding his convoys intercepted and viewing the
generally insecure state of his posts in the lower country,
considered himself under at least the temporary necessity
of retreating thither. He had first in view the relief of
Mott's House, on the Congaree, but before reaching it had
the mortification to find that with the garrison of 165 it
had fallen into the hands erf Marion and Lee. He continued
his march to Monk's Comer, where he covered Charleston
and the surrounding country.

The partisan chiefs rapidly seized this opportunity of
attacking the interior posts and reduced successively
Orangeburg and Granby on the Congaree, and early in
June, Augusta, the key of upper Georgia, surrendered to
Lee and Pickens. In these five forts they made 1,100 pris-
oners. The most important one, however, was that named
Ninety-Six, on the Saluda, defended by a garrison of 500
men. Orders had been sent to them to quit and retire

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1404 WASHINGTON.

downward but the messenger was intercepted and Colonel
Cruger, the commander, made the most active preparations
for its defense. Greene considered the place of such im-
portance that he undertook the siege in person with i,ooo
regulars. He broke ground before it on the night of the
23d of May (1781), and though much impeded by a suc-
cessful sally on the following day, proceeded with such
energy that by the 3d of June the second parallel was com-
pleted and the garrison summoned, but in vain, to sur-
render. On the 8th, he was reinforced by Lee from the
capture of Augusta and though he encountered a most gal-
lant and effective resistance trusted that the place must in
due time fall. Three days after, however, he learned that
Rawdon, having received a reinforcement from Ireland,
was in full march to relieve it and had baffled the attempts
of Sumter to impede his progress. The American leader,
therefore, feeling himself unable to give battle saw no pros-
pect of carrying the fortress unless by storm. On the 18th
(June, 1781), an attack against the two most commanding
outworks was ltd by Lee and Campbell, the former of
whom carried his point, but the latter, though he pene-
trated into the ditch and maintained his party there for
three-quarters of an hour, found them exposed to so de-
structive a fire as compelled a general retreat.* The siege
was immediately raised and Lord Rawdon, on the 21st,
entered the place in triumph. Being again master of the
field, he pressed forward in the hope of bringing his an-
tagonist to battle but the latter rather chose to fall back
towards the distant point of Charlotte in Virginia, while
Rawdon did not attempt to pursue him beyond the
Ennoree.
Notwithstanding this present superiority his lordship,

*On this occasion Kosciusko, the Polish general, particularly
distinguished himself.

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1405

having failed in his hopes of a decisive victory and viewing
the general aspect of the country, considered it no longer
possible to attempt more than covering the lower district^
of South Carolina. He therefore fell back to Orangeburg
on the Edisto and though he attempted at first to main-
tain Cruger with a strong body at Ninety-Six was soon
induced to recall him. Greene, being reinforced by i,ooo
men under Marion and Sumter, reconnoitered his position
but, judging it imprudent to attack, retired to the high hills
of the Santee, July the 15th (1781), and both armies, ex-
hausted by such a series of active movements, took an
interval of repose during the heat of the season.

Lord Rawdon being at this time obliged by ill health
to return to England left the army under the command of
Colonel Stuart, who, to cover the lower country, occupied
a position at the point where the Congaree and Wateree
unite in forming the Santee. Greene, having received
reinforcements from the North and collected all his parti-
san detachments soon found himself strong enough to try
the chance of battle. His approach on the 7th of Septem-
ber (1781) with this evident view induced the British to
retire down the river to the strong post of Eutaw Springs,
whither the American army immediately followed.

On the 8th of September, Greene determined to attack
the British camp, placing as usual his militia in front, hop-
ing that the English in charging them would get into con-
fusion, but from apprehension of this the latter had been
warned to keep their posts till ordered to move. The
American front, however, maintained their ground better
than usual and the British having become heated and for-
getting the warnings given pushed forward irregularly.
They were then charged by the veterans of the second
line and after a very desperate struggle driven off the
field. There lay in their way, however, a large brick build-

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1406 WASHINGTON.

ing and adjacent garden, where Stuart had placed a strong
corps which could not be dislodged and which kept up a
deadly fire which checked the victors, enabling the re-
treating troops to be formed anew. At the same time
Colonel Washington attacked the British flank, but finding
it strongly posted amongst the woods he was repulsed witfi
great loss and himself taken prisoner. The American gen-
eral seeing no hope of making any further impression, re-
treated to his previous position. The conflict lasted four
hours and great bravery was shown on both sides.
Colonel Campbell was mortally wounded. Learning the
British were dispersing he exclaimed, like Wolfe at Que-
bec, "Then I die contented!" and immediately expired.
In this bloody and doubtful battle both parties claimed
the victory though the Americans with most reason as the
general result was greatly to their advantage. It was cer-
tainly far from decisive and the British loss in killed and
wounded was much greater than that of the Americans,
who also carried off above 500 prisoners. The British
commander, prompted as well probably by the result of
the day as by the general state of the country and the
numbers and activity of the American light troops, con-
ceiving himself unable to maintain so advanced a position,
retired during the evening of the 9th (September 1781), and
proceeded down to Monk's Comer, where he covered
Charleston and its vicinity. To this and to Savannah were
now limited that proud British authority which had lately
extended so widely over the southern States.*

*In the southern provinces the campaign of 1781 was uncom-
monly active. The exertions and sufferings of the army were
great But the troops were not the only sufferers; the inhabitants
were exposed to many calamities. The success of Colonel Camp-
bell at Savannah laid Georgia and the Carolinas open to all the

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1407

Thus ended the campaign of 1781 in South Carolina. At
its commencement the British were in force all over the
State. History affords but a few instances of commanders
who have achieved so much with equal means as was done
by General Greene in the short space of twelve months.

horrors which attend the movements of conflicting armies and
the rage of civil dissensions for two years.

In those provinces the inhabitants were nearly divided between
the British and American interests, and, tmder the names of Tories
and Whigs, exercised a savage hostility against each other, threat-
ening the entire depopulation of the country. Besides, each of
the contending armies, claiming the provinces as its own, showed
no mercy to those who, in the fluctuations of war, abandoned its
cause or opposed its pretensions. Numbers were put to death as
deserters and traitors at the different British posts. One of those
executions, that of Colonel Hayne, happened at Charleston on the
4th of August, while Lord Rawdon was in that town, preparing to
sail for Europe, and threatened to produce the most sanguinary
consequences.

Colonel Hayne had served in the American militia during the
siege of Charleston, but, after the capitulation of that place and
the expulsion of the American army from the province, he was,
by several concurring circumstances, constr^ned, with much
reluctance, to subscribe a declaration of alleg^iance to the British
government being assured that his services against his country
would not be required. He was allowed to return to his family,
but, in violation of the special condition on which he had signed
the declaration, he was soon called on to take up arms against
his countrymen, and was at length threatened with close confine-
ment in case of further refusal. Colonel Hayne considered this
breach of contract on the part of the British, and their inability
to afford him the protection promised in reward of his allegriance,
as absolving him from the obligations pto which he had entered,
and accordingly he returned to the American standard. In the
month of July he was taken prisoner, confined in a loathsome
dungeon, and, by the arbitrary mandate of Lord Rawdon and
Colonel Balfour, without trial, hanged at Charleston. He behaved
with much firmness and dignity, and his fate awakened a strong
sensation.

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1408 WASHINGTON,

He opened the campaign with gloomy prospects but
closed it with glory. His unpaid and half-naked army had
to contend with veteran soldiers, supplied with everything
that the wealth of Great Britain or the plunder of Carolina
could procure. Under all these disadvantages he com-
pelled superior numbers to retire from the extremity of the
State, and confine themselves in the capital and its vicinity.
Had not his mind been of the firmest texture he would
have been discouraged, but his enemies found him as
formidable on the evening of a defeat as on the morning
after a victory.

The reader will not fail to perceive how important a
bearing the operations of Greene in the South had upon
those of Washington in the North. Before recovering
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, Greene had
partly led and partly driven Comwallis into Virginia,
where he was destined to be conquered by Washington
and the war was thus to be virtually terminated. How
this was accomplished will now be the object of our
attention.

Virginia had insensibly, as it were, become the principal
theater of war. General Leslie had been sent thither to
reinforce Cornwallis, who it was hoped might penetrate
through the Carolinas, but after Ferguson's disaster he
was ordered to go round by Charleston. With the view,
however, »of creating a diversion in favor of the southern
army, Clinton, in December, 1780, sent Arnold with 1,600
men to the Chesapeake. That infamous traitor, displaying
all his wonted activity, overran a great extent of country
and captured Richmond, the capital, destroying great
quantities of stores. Washington, most anxious to strike
a blow against him, prevailed upon Destouches, the French
admiral to proceed thither with a land force but the latter
was overtaken by Arbuthnot and endured a hard battle

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UFE AND TIMES. 1409

which though not admitted to be a defeat obliged him to
return to Newport; thus Arnold escaped the danger of
falling into the hands of his enraged countrymen. Clin-
ton, still with the same view, sent another force of 2,000
men under General Phillips which arrived in the Chesa-
peake on the 26th of March (1781). This officer being
complete master of the field, overran the country between
the James and York rivers, seized the town of Petersburg,
as also Chesterfield Courthouse, the militia rendezvous,
and other stations, destroying great quantities of shipping
and stores, with all the warehoused tobacco. Lafayette,
then in command of about 3,000 men for the defense of
Virginia, succeeded by skilful manoeuvring in securing
Richmond.

Operations seemed at a stand, when, late in April, intelli-
gence was received of Cornwallis' march from South
Carolina toward Virginia and, in spite of every effort of
Lafayette, he, at the end of May (1781), joined Phillips at
Petersburg, taking the command of the whole army. Be-
ing then decidedly superior he took possession of Rich-
mond and began a hot pursuit of Lafayette, who retreated
into the upper country so rapidly and so skilfully that he
could not be overtaken. The English general then turned
back and sent a detachment under Colonel Simcoe, who
destroyed the chief magazine at the junction of the two
branches of James river. Tarleton pushed his cavalry so
swiftly upon Charlotteville, where the State Assembly was
met, that seven members were taken and the rest very nar-
rowly escaped. Lafayette, however, now returned with a
considerable force and by his manoeuvres induced the
British commander to retire to Williamsburg. He after-
ward continued his retreat to Portsmouth in the course of
which the former made an attack but was repulsed and
85)

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1410 WASHINGTON,

would have been totally routed had not his strength been
estimated above its real amount.

The movement of Comwallis into Virginia had been
wholly disapproved by Qinton who complained that, con-
trary to all his views and intentions, the main theater of
war had been transferred to a territory into which he never
proposed more than partial inroads, considering it very
difficult to subdue and maintain. His grand object had al-
ways been first to secure New York and, if sufficient
strength was afforded, to push offensive operations thence
into the interior. Hoping, therefore, that the Carolinas,
once subdued, might be retained by a small force, he had
repeatedly solicited the partial return of the troops. Com-
wallis defended the movement by observing that his situa-
tion at Wilmington, allowing no time to send for instruc-
tions, obliged him to act on his own responsibility.
Communicating also with the government at home he
urged that the Carolinas could not be securely held with-
out the possession also of Virginia ; that this might be at-
tained by a vigorous effort, and would make Britain
mistress of all the southern Colonies, whose resources
could be then employed in conquering the more stubborn
regions of the North. These arguments, recommended by
his lordship's brilliant achievements at Camden and else-
where, convinced the ministry, and Lord Germaine wrote
to the Commander-in-Chief to direct his principal attention
to the war in Virginia and to the plan of conquest from
south to north. The latter, considering himself thus
slighted, solicited permission to resign and leave the com-
mand to an officer who enjoyed greater confidence, but
his merits being highly estimated this tender was not
accepted.

Under the apprehension inspired by the threatening
movements of Washington and the French army against

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UFE AND TIMES. 1411

New York, he had ordered a considerable reinforcement
from Virginia, but countermanded it on receiving the
above instructions, along with an additional body of troops.
He had formed, apparently, a favorite plan somewhat of a
compromise between the two. It is nowhere distinctly de-
veloped in his letters, but by a passage in one very active
operations were proposed at the head of the Chesapeake,
to be combined probably with a movement from New
York and comprehending Philadelphia and Baltimore.
Aware that this plan required the maritime command of
that great inlet, he inquired if ministers would insure its
maintenance, and they made this engagement without duly
considering its difficulties. Under these views he directed
Comwallis to occupy and fortify a naval position at the
entrance of the bay, specially recommending Old Point
Comfort, at the mouth of James river. This measure did
not harmonize with Comwallis' views; however, he
obeyed, but, the above position being declared by the en-
gineers indefensible, he recommended, in preference,
Yorktown on the York river, which was agreed to and
operations actively commenced at the latter end of August.
The whole British force at this time in Virginia was about
7,000 men.

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CHAPTER XXIII.

WASHINGTON CAPTURES CORNWALUS.

1781.

WE have already seen, by the quotation from Wash-
ington's journal, how gloomy was the prospect
presented to him at this time. He evidently saw
little to encourage a hope of the favorable termination of
the campaign of that year. Indeed, it is quite apparent that
our national affairs were then at a lower ebb than they had
ever been since the period immediately preceding the battle
of Trenton. But by the merciful interposition of divine
Providence, the course of events took a favorable turn
much sooner than he had anticipated. His letter to Col.
John Laurens, on the occasion, already mentioned, of that
gentleman's mission to France to obtain a loan, had been
productive of remarkable effects.

In this paper he detailed the pecuniary embarrassments
of the government, and represented with great earnestness
the inability of the nation to furnish a revenue adequate
to the support of the war. He dwelt on the discontents
which the system of impressment had excited among the
people, and expressed his fears that the evils felt in the
prosecution of the war, might weaken the sentiments
which began it

From this state of things he deduced the vital importance
of an immediate and ample supply of money, which might
be the foundation for substantial arrangements of finance,
for reviving public credit, and giving vigor to future opera-

(1412)

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1413

tions, as well as of a decided effort of the allied arms on
the continent to effect the great objects of the alliance in
the ensuing campaign.

Next to a supply of money he considered a naval su-
periority in the American seas as an object of the deepest
interest.

To the United States it would be of decisive importance,
and France also might derive great advantages from trans-
ferring the maritime war to the coast of her ally.

The future ability of the United States to repay any loan
which might now be obtained was displayed, and he con-
cluded with assurances that there was still a fund of in-
clination and resource in the country, equal to great and
continued exertions, provided the means were afforded of
stopping the progress of disgust by changing the present
system and adopting another more consonant with the
spirit of the nation, and more capable of infusing activity
and energy into public measures, of which a powerful
succor in money must be the basis. " The people were
discontented, but it was with the feeble and oppressive
mode of conducting the war, not with the war itself."

With great reason did Washington urge on the cabinet
of Versailles the policy of advancing a sum of money to
the United States which might be adequate to the exi-
gency. Deep was the gloom with which the political
horizon was then overcast. The British in possession of
South Carolina and Georgia had overrun the greater part
of North Carolina also, and it was with equal hazard and
address that Greene maintained himself in the northern
frontier of that State.

A second detachment from New York was making a
deep impression on Virginia, where the resistance liad
been neither so prompt nor so vigorous as the strength

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1414 WASHINGTON.

of that State and the unanimity of its citizens had given
reason to expect

Such were the facts and arguments urged by Washing-
ton in his letter to Colonel Laurens. Its able exposition
of the actual state of the country, and his arguments in
support of the application of Congress for a fleet and
army as well as money, when laid before the King and the
ministry, decided them to afford the most ample aid to the
American cause. A loan of $6,000,000 was granted, which
was to be placed at Washington's disposal, but he was
happy to be relieved from that responsibility. A loan
from Holland was also guaranteed by the French govern-
ment, and large reinforcements of ships and men were
sent to the United States. The intelligence of these suc-
cors followed within a few days after the desponding tone
of Washington's journal, to which we have just referred.

Early in May (1781) the Count de Barras, who had been
appointed to the command of the French fleet on the
American coast, arrived at Boston, accompanied by the
Viscount de Rochambeau, commander of the land forces.
An interview between Washington and the French com-
manders was immediately appointed to be held at Wethers-
field, near Hartford, on the 21st (May, 1781), but some
movements of the British fleet made de Barras repair to
Newport, while the two generals met at the appointed
place and agreed on a plan of the campaign. It was re-
solved to unite the French and American armies on the
Hudson and to commence vigorous operations against
New York. The regular army at that station was esti-
mated at only 4,500 men, and though Sir Henry Clinton
might be able to reinforce it with 5,000 or 6,000 militia, yet
it was believed he could not maintain the post without re-
calling a considerable part of his troops from the south-
ward and enfeebling the operations of the British in that

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UFE AND TIMES. 1415

quarter ; in which case it was resolved to make a vigorous
attack on the point which presented the best prospect of
success.

In a letter to General Greene, dated June i, 1781, Wash-
ington thus gives the result of the conference with Ro-
chambeau :

" I have lately had an interview with Count de Rocham-
beau at Weathersfield. Our affairs were very attentively
considered in every point of view and it was finally de-*
termined to make an attempt upon New York, with its
present garrison, in preference to a southern operation, as
we had not the decided command of the water. You will
readily suppose the reasons which induced this determina-
tion were the inevitable loss of men from so long a march,
more especially in the approaching hot season, and the
difficulty, I may say impossibility, of transporting the nec-
essary baggage, artillery, and stores by land. If I am
supported as I ought to be by the neighboring States in this
operation, which, you know, has always been their favorite
one, I hope that one of these consequences will follow —
either that the enemy will be expelled from the most valu-
able position which they hold upon the continent or be
obliged to recall part of their force from the southward to
defend it. Should the latter happen you will be most es-
sentially relieved by it. The French troops will begin
their march this way as soon as certain circumstances will
admit. I can only give you the outlines of our plan. The
dangers to which letters are exposed make it improper to
commit to paper the particulars, but, as matters ripen, I
will keep you as well informed as circumstances will
allow."

Washington immediately required the States of New
England to have 6,000 militia in readiness to march wher-
ever they might be called for, and sent an account of the

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1416 WASHINGTON.

conference at Wethersfield to Congress. His dispatch
was intercepted in the Jerseys and carried to Qinton, who,
alarmed by the plan which it disclosed, made the requisi-
tion, already mentioned, of part of the troops under Com-
wallis. and took diligent precautions for maintaining his
post against the meditated attack.

Meanwhile the several States of the Union were ex-
tremely dilatory in furnishing their contingents of troops,
and it was found difficult to procure subsistence for the
small number of men already in the field. The people and
their rulers talked loudly of liberty, but each was anxious
to sacrifice as little as possible to maintain it and to de-
volve on his neighbor the expense, dangers, and privations
of the struggle.

In consequence of this dilatory spirit, when the troops
left their winter quarters in the month of June (1781), and
encamped at Peekskill, the army under Washington did
not amount to 5,000 men. This force was so much in-
ferior to what had been contemplated when the plan of
operations was agreed on at Wethersfield that it became
doubtful whether it would be expedient to adhere to that
plan. But the deficiency of the American force was in
some measure compensated by the arrival at Boston of a
reinforcement of 1,500 men to the army imder Rocham-
beau.

The hope of terminating the war in the course of the
campaign encouraged the States to make some exertions.
Small as was their military force it was difficult to find sub-
sistence for the troops, and even after the army had taken
the field there was reason to apprehend that it would be
obliged to abandon the objects of the campaign for want
of provisions. It was at that critical juncture of American
affairs that the finances of the Union were intrusted to
Robert Morris, a member of Congress for Pennsylvania,

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1417

a man of considerable capital and of much sagacity and
mercantile enterprise. He, as we have already seen, ex-
tensively pledged his personal credit for articles of the
first necessity to the army, and, by an honorable fulfilment
of his engagements, did much to restore public credit and
confidence. It was owing mainly to his exertions that the
active and decisive operations of the campaign were not
greatly impeded or enHrely defeated by want of subsist-
ence to the army and of the means of transporting military
stores.

By his plan of a national bank, already referred to, Mr.
Morris rendered still more important service. Its notes
were to be received as cash into the treasuries of the sev-
eral States, and also as an equivalent for the necessaries
which the States were bound to provide for the army. In
this way, and by a liberal and judicious application of his
own resources, an individual afforded the supplies which
government was unable to furnish.

The French troops, under Rochambeau, marched from
Newport and Boston toward the Hudson. Both in quarters
and on the route their behavior was exemplary, and gained
the respect and good will of the inhabitants. Toward the
end of June (1781) Washington put his army in motion,
and, learning that a royal detachment had passed into the
Jerseys, he formed a plan to surprise the British posts on
the north end of York Island, but it did not succeed, and
General Lincoln, who commanded the Americans, being
attacked by a strong British party, a sharp conflict ensued.
Washington marched with his main body to support his
detachment, but on his advance the British retired into
their works at Kingsbridge. Rochambeau, then on his
march to join Washington, detached the Duke de Lauzun
with a body of men to support the attack, who advanced

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1418 WASHINGTON.

with his troops within supporting distance, but the British
had retreated before they could be brought into action.

Having failed in his design of surprising the British
posts Washington withdrew to Valentine's Hill, and after-
ward to Dobb's Ferry. While encamped there, on the 6th
of July (1781), the van of the long-expected French rein-
forcements under Rochambeau was seen winding down
the neighboring heights. The arrival of these friendly
strangers elevated the minds of the Americans, who re-
ceived them with sincere congratulations. Washington
labored, by personal attentions, to conciliate the good will
of his allies, ^nd used all the means in his power to prevent
those mutual jealousies and irritations which frequently
prevail between troops of different nations serving in the
same army. Ajn attack on New York was still meditated,
and every exertion made to prepare for its execution, but
with the determination, if it should prove impracticable,
vigorously to prosecute some more attainable object*

On the evening of the 21st of July (1781), the greater
part of the American, and part of the French troops, left

* Dr. Thacher, in his Military Journal, has an entry: "July 7th.
Our army was drawn up in a line and reviewed by General Ro-
chambeau, with his Excellency, General Washington, and other
general officers. — ^July loth. Another review took place in presence
of the French ambassador from Philadelphia, after which the
French army passed a review in presence of the general officers
of both armies." Speaking of the French army, Dr. Thacher
says: " In the officers we recognize the accomplished gentlemen,
free and affable in their manners. Their military dress and side-
arms are elegant The troops are under the strictest discipline,
and are amply provided with arms and accoutrements, which are
kept in the neatest order. They are in complete uniform — coats
of white broadcloth, trimmed with green, and white under-dress,
and on their heads they wear a singular kind of hat or chapeau.
It is unlike our cocked hats, in having but two comers instead
of three, which gives them a very novel appearance."

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UFE AND TIMES. 1419

their encampment, and marching rapidly during the night,
appeared in order of battle before the British works at
Kingsbridge, at 4 next morning. Washington and Ro-
chambeau, with the general officers and engineers, viewed
the British lines in their whole extent from right to left,
and the same was again done next morning. But, on the
afternoon of the 23d they returned to their former encamp-
ment without having made any attempt on the British
works.

At that time the new levies arrived slowly in the Ameri-
can camp, and many of those who were sent were mere
boys utterly unfit for active service. The several States
discovered much backwardness in complying with the
requisitions of Congress, so that there was reason to ap-
prehend that the nvunber of troops necessary for besieging
New York could not be procured. This made Washington
turn his thoughts more seriously to the southward than
he had hitherto done, but all his movements confirmed
Clinton in the belief that an attack on New York was in
contemplation. As the British Commander-in-Chief, how-
ever, at that time received about 3,000 troops from Europe,
he thought himself able to defend his post without with-
drawing any part of the force from Virginia. Therefore
he countermanded the requisition which he had before
sent to Cornwallis for part of the troops under his com-
mand. The troops were embarked before the arrival of
the counter order, and of their embarkation Lafayette
sent notice to Washington. On the reception of new in-
structions, however, as formerly mentioned they were
relanded and remained in Virginia.

No great operation could be undertaken against the
British armies so long as their navy had undisputed com-
mand of the coast and of the great navigable rivers.
Washington, as we have seen, had already, through

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1420 WASHINGTON.

Colonel Laurens^ made an earnest application to the court
of France for such a fleet as might be capable of keeping in
check the British navy in those seas and of affording
effectual assistance to the land forces. That application
was not unsuccessful, and towards the middle of the month
of August the agfreeable information was received of the
approach of a powerful French fleet to the American coast.

Early in March (1781) the Count de Grasse had sailed
from Brest with twenty-five ships-of-the-line, five of which
were destined for the East, and twenty for the West Indies.
After an indecisive encounter in the Straits of St. Lucie
with Sir Samuel Hood, whom Sir George Rodney, the
British admiral in the West Indies had detached to inter-
cept him, Count de Grasse formed a junction with the ships
of his sovereign on that station and had a fleet superior to
that of the British in the West Indies. De Grasse gave
the Americans notice that he would visit their coast in the
month of August and take his station in Chesapeake bay,
but that his continuance there could only be of short dura-
tion. This dispatch at once determined Washington's reso-
lution with respect to the main point of attack, and as it
was necessary that the projected operation should be ac-
complished within a very limited time prompt decision and
indefatigable exertion were indispensable. Though it was
now finally resolved that Virginia should be the grand
scene of action, yet it was prudent to conceal till the last
moment this determination from Sir Henry Qinton, and
still to maintain the appearance of threatening New York.

The defense of the strong posts on the Hudson or North
river was intrusted to General Heath who was instructed
to protect the adjacent country as far as he was able, and
for that purpose a respectable force was put under his
command. Every preparation of which circumstances ad-
mitted was made to facilitate the march to the southward.

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1421

Washington was to take the command of the expedition
and to employ in it all the French troops and a strong
detachment of the American army.

On the 19th of August (1781) a considerable corps was
ordered to cross the Hudson at Dobbs' Ferry and to take
a position between Springfield and Chaitham, where they
were directed to cover some bakehouses which it was ru-
mored were to be immediately constructed in the vicinity
of those places in order to encourage the belief that there
the troops intended to establish a permanent post. On
the 20th and 21st the main body of the Americans passed
the river at King's ferry, but the French made a longer
circuit and did not complete the passage till the 2Sth.
Desirous of concealing his object as long as possible,
Washington continued his march some time in such a
direction as still to keep up the appearance of threatening
New York. When concealment was no longer practicable
he marched southward with the utmost celerity. His
movements had been of such a doubtful nature that Sir
Henry Qinton, it is said, was not fully convinced of his
real destination till he had crossed the Delaware.

Great exertions had been made to procure funds for
putting the army in motion, but, after exhausting every
other resource, Washington was obliged to have recourse
to Rochambeau for a supply of cash, which he received.*

On the 2d and 3d of September (1781) the combined
American and French armies passed through Philadel-

• The amount was $20,000 in specie, to be refunded by Robert
Morris on the ist of October. On the jist of Augnst, Dr. Thacher
says: '* Colonel Lanrens arrived at headquarters, camp, Trenton,
on his way from Boston to Philadelphia. He brought two and
a half millions of livres in cash, a part of the French subsidy, —
a most seasonable supply, as the troops were discontented and
almost mutinous for want of pay."

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1422 WASHINGTON.

phia, where they were received with ringing of bells, firing
of guns, bonfires, illuminations, and every demonstration
of joy. Meanwhile Count de Grasse, with 3,000 troops
on board, sailed from Cape Francois with a valuable fleet
of merchantmen, which he conducted out of danger, and
then steered for Chesapeake bay with twenty-eight sail-of-
the-line and several frigates. Toward the end of August
(1781) he cast anchor just within the capes, extending
across from Cape Henry to the middle gfround. There an
ofiicer from Lafayette waited on the count, and gave him
full information concerning the posture of affairs in Vir-
ginia, and the intended plan of operations against the
British army in that State.

Comwallis was diligently fortifying himself at York and
Gloucester. Lafayette was in a position on James river
to prevent his escape into North Carolina, and the com-
bined army was hastening southward to attack him. In
order to co-operate against Comwallis De Grasse detached
four ships-of-the-line and some frigates to block up the
entrance of York river, and to carry the land forces which
he had brought with him, under the Marquis de St. Simon,
to Lafayette's camp. The rest of his fleet remained at the
entrance of the bay.

Sir George Rodney, who commanded the British fleet
in the West Indies, was not ignorant that the count in-
tended to sail for America, but knowing that the merchant
vessel which he convoyed from Cape Frangois were loaded
with valuable cargoes the British admiral believed that he
would send the greater part of his fleet along with them
to Europe and would visit the American coast with a small
squadron only. Accordingly, Rodney detached Sir Sam-
uel Hood with fourteen sail-of-the-line to America as a
sufficient force to counteract the operations of the French
in that quarter. Admiral Hood reached the capes of Vir-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1423

ginia on the 25th of August (1781), a few days before de
Grasse entered the bay and finding no enemy there sailed
for Sandy Hook, where he arrived on the 28th of August.

Admiral Graves, who had succeeded Admiral Arbuthnot
in the command of the British fleet on the American sta-
tion, was then lying at New York' with seven sail-of-the-
line; but two of his ships had been damaged in a cruise
near Boston and were tmder repair. At the same time that
Admiral Hood gave information of the expected arrival of
de Grasse on the American coast, notice wa» received of
the sailing of de Barras with his fleet from Newport. Ad-
miral Graves, therefore, without waiting for his two ships
which were under repair, put to sea on the 31st of Au-
gust with nineteen sail-of-the-line and steered to the
southward.

On reaching the capes of the Chesapeake, early on the
morning of the sth of September (1781), he discovered the
French fleet, consisting of twenty-four ships-of-the-line,
lying at anchor in the entrance of the bay. Neither ad-
miral had any previous knowledge of the vicinity of the
other till the fleets were actually seen. The British
stretched into the bay and soon as Count de Grasse ascer-
tained their hostile character he ordered his ships to slip
their cables, form the line as they could come up without
regard to their specified stations and put to sea. The
British fleet entering the bay and the French leaving it,
they were necessarily sailing in different directions, but
Admiral Graves put his ships on the same tack with the
French and about four in the afternoon a battle began be-
tween the van and centre of the fleets which continued till
night. Both sustained considerable damage. The fleets
continued in sight of each other for five days, but
de Grasse's object was not to fight unless to cover Chesa-
peake bay, and Admiral Graves, owing to the inferiority

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1424 WASHINGTON,

of his force and the crippled state of several of his ships,
was unable to compel him to renew the engagement.

On the loth (September, 1781), de Grasse bore away for
the Chesapeake and anchored within the capes next day
when he had the satisfaction to find that Admiral de Barras
with his fleet from Newport and fourteen transports laden
with heavy artillery and other military stores for carrying
on a siege had safely arrived during his absence. That
officer sailed from Newport on the 25th of August, and
making a long circuit to avoid the British, entered the bay
while the contending fleets were at sea. Admiral Graves
followed the French fleet to the Chesapeake, but on arriv-
ing there he found the entrance guarded by a force with
which he was unable to contend. He then sailed for New
York and left de Grasse in the undisputed possession of
the bay.

While these naval operations were going on the land
forces were not less actively employed in the prosecution
of their respective purposes. The immediate aim of Wash-
ington was to overwhelm Comwallis and his army at York-
town; that of Qinton, to rescue him from his grasp. As
soon as Clinton was convinced of Washington's intention
of proceeding to the southward with a view to bring him
back, he employed the infamous traitor Arnold, with a suf-
ficient naval and military force, on an expedition against
New London. The " parricide," as Jefferson calls him, had
not the slightest objection to fill his pockets with the
plunder of his native State. He passed from Long Island
and on the forenoon of the 6th of September (1781) landed
his troops on both sides of the harbor; those on the New
London side being under his own immediate orders and
those on the Groton side commanded by Lieutenant-
Colonel Eyre. As the works at New London were very
Imperfect, no vigorous resistance was there made, and the

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UFE AND TIMES. 1426

place was taken possession of with little loss. But Fort
Griswold, on the Groton side, was in a more finished state
and the small garrison made a desperate defense. The
British entered the fort at the point of the bayonet.

Col. William Ledyard, brother of the celebrated traveler,
commanded the fort. Colonel Eyre and Major Mont-
gomery having fallen in the assault, the command had de-
volved on Major Bromfield, a New Jersey Tory. After
the works had been carried, Ledyard ordered his men to
lay down their arms. Bromfield called out, "Who com-
mands in this fort?'' Ledyard advanced and presenting
his sword, replied, " I did, but you do now." Bromfield
seized the sword and ran Ledyard through the body. This
was the signal for an indiscriminate massacre of a greater
part of the garrison by the Tories, refugees, and Hessians,
of which the army of Arnold was very appropriately com-
posed. Seventy were killed and thirty-five desperately
wounded. The enemy lost 2 officers and 46 men killed,
8 officers and 135 soldiers wounded. Few Americans had
fallen before the British entered the works.

The loss sustained by the Americans at New London
was great, but that predatory incursion had no effect in
diverting Washington from his purpose or in retarding his
march southward. From Philadelphia the allied armies
pursued their route, partly to the head of Elk river, which
falls into the northern extremity of Chesapeake bay, and
partly to Baltimore, at which places they embarked on
board transports furnished by the French fleet, and the
last division of them landed at Williamsburgh on the 25th
of September (1781). Washington, Rochambeau, and
their attendants proceeded to the same place by land, and
reached it ten days before the troops. Virginia had suf-
fered extremely in the course of the campaign; the in-
habitants were clamorous for the appearance of Washing-
90

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1426 WASHINGTON.

ton in his native State, and hailed his arrival with accla-
mations of joy.

Washington and Rochambeau immediately repaired on
board de Grasse's ship in order to concert a joint plan
of operations against Cornwallis. De Grasse, convinced
that every exertion would be made to relieve his lordship,
and being told that Admiral Digby had arrived at New
York with a reinforcement of six ships-of-the-line, ex-
pected to be attacked by a force little inferior to his own,
and, deeming the station which he then occupied unfavor-
able to a naval engagement, he was strongly inclined to
leave the bay and to meet the enemy in the open sea.
Washington, fully aware of all the casualties which might
occvu" to prevent his return and to defeat the previous
arrangements, used every argument to dissuade the French
admiral from his purpose, and prevailed with him ta re-
main in the bay.

As de Grasse could continue only a short time on that
station, every exertion was made to proceed against Corn-
wallis at Yorktown. Opposite Yorktown is Gloucester
point, which projects considerably into the river, the
breadth of which at that place does not exceed a mile.
Cornwallis had taken possession of both these places and
diligently fortified them. The communication between
them was commanded by his batteries and by some ships-
of-war which lay in the river under cover of his guns. The
main body of his army was encamped near Yorktown,
beyond some outer redoubts and field works calculated to
retard the approach of an enemy. Colonel Tarleton, with
six or seven hundred men, occupied Gloucester point.

The combined army, amounting to upwards of 11,000
men, exclusive of the Virginia militia, under the command
of the patriotic Governor Nelson, was assembled in the
vicinity of WiUiamsburgh, and on the morning of the

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UFE AND TIMES, 1427

28th of September (1781), marched by diflferent routes
toward Yorktown. About midday the heads of the
columns reached the ground assigned them, and, after
driving in the outposts and some cavalry, encamped for the
night. The next day was employed in viewing the British
works and in arranging the plan of attack. At the same
time that the combined army encamped before Yorktown
the French fleet anchored at the mouth of the river and
completely prevented the British from escaping by water
as well as from receiving supplies or reinforcements in
that way. The legion of Lauzun and a brigade of militia,
amounting to upwards of 4,000 men, commanded by the
French general de Choise, were sent across the river to
watch Gloucester Point and to inclose the British on that
side.

On the 30th (September, 1781) Yorktown was invested.
The French troops formed the left wing of the combined
army, extending from the river above the town to a morass
in front of it; the Americans composed the right wing
and occupied the ground between the morass and the river
below the town. Till the 6th of October the besieging
army was assiduously employed in disembarking its heavy
artillery and military stores and in conveying them to
camp from the landing place in James river, a distance of
six miles.

On the night of the 6th the first parallel was begun,
under the direction of General du Portail, the chief
engineer, 600 yards from the British works. The night was
dark, rainy, and well adapted for such a service; and in
the course of it the besiegers did not lose a man. Their
operations seem not to have been suspected by the be-
sieged till daylight disclosed them in the morning, when
the trenches were so far advanced as in a good measure
to cover the workmen from the fire of the garrison. By

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1428 WASHINGTON,

the afternoon of the 9th the batteries were completed, not-
withstanding the most strenuous opposition from the
besieged, and immediately opened on the town. From
that time an incessant cannonade was kept up, and the
continual discharge of shot and shells from twenty-four
and eighteen pounders and ten-inch mortars, damaged the
unfinished works on the left of the town, silenced the
guns mounted on them and occasioned a considerable loss
of men. Some of the shot and shells from the batteries
passed over the town, reached the shipping in the hdrbor,
and set on fire the Charon of forty-four guns and three
large transports, which were entirely consumed.

" From the bank of the river," says Dr. Thacher, " I had
a fine view of this splendid conflagration. The ships were
enwrapped in a torrent of fire, which, spreading with vivid
brightness among the combustible rigging and running
with amazing rapidity to the tops of the several masts,
while all around was thunder and lightning from our
numerous cannon and mortars, and in the darkness of
night presented one of the most sublime and magnificent
spectacles that can be imagined. Some of our shells,
overreaching the town, are seen to fall into the river, and
bursting, throw up columns of water, like the spouting
of the monsters of the deep."

On the night of the nth (October, 1781), the besiegers,
laboring with indefatigable perseverance, began their sec-
ond parallel, 300 yards nearer the British works than the
first ; and the three succeeding days were assiduously em-
ployed in completing it. During that interval the fire of
the garrison was more destructive than at any other per-
iod of the siege. The men in the trenches were par-
ticularly annoyed by two redoubts toward the left of the
British works, and about 200 yards in front of them. Of
these it was necessary to gain possession, and on the 14th

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UFE AND TIMES, 1429

preparations were made to carry them both by storm. In
order to avail himself of the spirit of emulation which
existed between the troops of the two nations, and to
avoid any cause of jealousy to either, Washington com-
mitted the attack of the one redoubt to the French and
that of the other to the Americans. The latter were com-
manded by Lafayette, attended by Col. Alexander Hamil-
ton, who led the advance, and the former by the Baron
de Viomenil.

On the evening of the 14th, as soon as it was dark, the
parties marched to the assault with unloaded arms. The
redoubt which the Americans under Lafayette attacked
was defended by a major, some inferior officers, and forty-
five privates. The assailants advanced with such rapidity,
without returning a shot to the heavy fire with which they
were received, that in a few minutes they were in posses-
sion of the work, having had 8 men killed and 7 officers
and 25 men wounded in the attack! Eight British privates
were killed; Major Campbell, a captain, an ensign, and
seventeen privates were made prisoners. The rest es-
caped. Although the Americans were highly exasperated
by the recent massacre of their countrymen in Fort Gris-
wold by Arnold's detachment, yet not a man of the British
was injured after resistance ceased. Retaliation had been
talked of but was not exercised.*

♦Lafayette Getter to Washington, i6th October, 1781) says:
" Your Excellency having personally seen our dispositions, I shall
only give you an account of what passed in the execution. Colonel
Gimat's battalion led the van, and was followed by that of Colonel
Hamilton, who commanded the whole advanced corps. At the
same time a party of eighty men, under Colonel Laurens, turned
the redoubt. I beg leave to refer your Excellency to the report
I have received from Colonel Hamilton, whose well-known talents
and gallantry were, on this occasion, most conspicuous and ser-
viceable. Our obligations to him, to Colonel Gimat, to Colonel

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1430 WASHINGTON.

The French advanced with equal courage, but not with
equal rapidity. The American soldiers had removed the
abattis themselves. The French waited for the sappers
to remove them according to military rule. While thus
waiting a message was brought from Lafayette to Vio-
menil, informing him that he was in his redoubt, and
wished to know where the baron was. "Tell the mar-
quis," replied Viomenil, *'that I am not in mine, but will
be in five minutes." The abattis being removed, the re-
doubt was carried in very nearly the time prescribed by the
baron. There were 120 men in this redoubt, of whom
18 were killed and 42 taken prisoners ; the rest made their
escape. The French lost nearly 100 men killed or
wounded. During the night these two redoubts were in-
cluded in the second parallel, and, in the course of next
day, some howitzers were placed on them, which, in the
afternoon, opened on the besieged. " Dimng the assault,''
says Dr. Thacher, " the British kept up an incessant fir-
ing of cannon and musketry from their whole line. His
Excellency, General Washington, Generals Lincoln and
Knox, with their aids, having dismounted, were standing
in an exposed situation, waiting the result. Colonel Cobb,
one of Washington's aids, solicitous for his safety, said
to his Excellency, 'Sir, you are too much exposed here;
had you not better step a little back?* 'Colonel Cobb/
replied his Excellency, * if you are afraid, you have liberty
to step back.' "

Comwallis and his garrison had done all that brave
men could do to defend their post. But the industry of

Laurens, and to each and all the officers and men, are above
expression. Not one gun was fired, and the ardor of the troops
did not give time for the sappers to derange the abattis; and owing
to the conduct of the commanders and the bravery of the men,
the redoubt was stormed with uncommon rapidity."

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UFE AND TIMES. 1431

the besiegers was persevering and their approaches rapid.
The condition of the British was becoming desperate. In
every quarter their works were torn to pieces by the fire
of the assailants. The batteries already playing upon
them had nearly silenced all their g^ns, and the second
parallel was about to open on them, which in a few hours
would render the place untenable.

Owing to the weakness of his garrison, occasioned by
sickness and the fire of the besiegers, Comwallis could not
spare large sallying parties, but, in the present distressing
crisis, he resolved to make every effort to impede the prog-
ress of the besiegers, and to preserve his post to the last
extremity. For this purpose, a little before daybreak on
the morning of the i6th of October (1781), about 350
men, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Aber-
crombie, sallied out against two batteries, which seemed in
the greatest state of forwardness. They attacked with
great impetuosity, killed or wounded a considerable num-
ber of the French troops, who had charge of the works,
spiked eleven guns, and returned with little loss. This
exploit was of no permanent advantage to the garrison,
for the g^ns, having been hastily spiked, were soon again
rendered fit for service.

About 4 in the afternoon of the i6th of October, several
batteries of the second parallel opened on the garrison,
and it was obvious that, in the cpurse of next day, all the
batteries of that parallel, mounting a most formidable
artillery, would be ready to play on the town. The shat-
tered works of the garrison were in no condition to sus-
tain such a tremendous fire. In the whole front which was
attacked the British could not show a single gun, and
their shells were nearly exhausted. In this extremity
Comwallis formed the desperate resolution of crossing the
river during the night with his effective force and attempt-

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1432 WASHINGTON.

ing to escape to the northward. His plan was to leave be-
hind his sick, baggage, and all incumbrances ; to attack de
Choise, who commanded on the Gloucester side, with his
whole force; to moimt his own infantry, partly with the
hostile cavalry which he had no doubt of seizing, and
partly with such horses as he might find by the way; to
hasten toward the fords of the great rivers in the upper
country, and then, turning northward, to pass through
Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the Jerseys, and join the
army at New York. The plan was hazardous, and pre-
sented little prospect of success ; but in the forlorn circum-
stances of the garrison an3rthing that offered a glimpse
of hope was reckoned preferable to the humiliation of an
immediate surrender.

In prosecution of this perilous enterprise the light in-
fantry, most of the guards, and a part of the Twenty-third
regiment embarked in boats, passed the river, and landed
at Gloucester point before midnight. A storm then arose,
which rendered the return of the boats and the transpor-
tation of the rest of the troops equally impracticable. In
that divided state of the British forces the morning of the
17th of October (1781) dawned, when the batteries of the
combined armies opened on the garrison at Yorktown.
As the attempt to escape was entirely defeated by the
storm, the troops that had been carried to Gloucester
point were brought back in the course of the forenoon
without much loss, though the passage was exposed to
the artillery of the besiegers. The British works were in
ruins, the garrison was weakened by disease and death,
and exhausted by incessant fatigue. Every ray of hope
was extinguished. It would have been madness any
longer to attempt to defend the post and to expose the
brave garrison to the danger of an assault, which would
soon have been made on the place.

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At lo in the forenoon of the 17th Corawallis sent a flag
of truce with a letter to Washington, proposing a cessation
of hostilities for twenty-four hours, in order to give time
to adjust terms for the surrender of the forts at York-
town and Gloucester point. To this letter Washington
immediately returned an answer, expressing his ardent
desire to spare the further effusion of blood and his readi-
ness to listen to such terms as were admissible, but that
he could not consent to lose time in fruitless negotiations,
and desired that, previous to the meeting of commission-
ers, his lordship's proposals should be transmitted in writ-
ing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two
hours should be granted.

The terms offered by Comwallis, although not all
deemed admissible, were such as induced the opinion that
no great difficulty would occur in adjusting the conditions
of capitulation, and the suspension of hostilities was con-
tinued through the night. Meanwhile, in order to avoid
the delay of useless discussion, Washington drew up and
transmitted to Comwallis such articles as he was willing
to grant, informing his lordship that, if he approved of
them, commissioners might be immediately appointed to
reduce them to form. Accordingly, Viscoimt Noailles
and Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, whose father was then
a prisoner in the Tower of London, on the i8th met Col-
onel Dundas and Major Ross of the British army at
Moore's house, in the rear of the first parallel. They pre-
pared a rough draft, but were unable definitively to arrange
the terms of capitulation.* The draught was to be sub-

*The whole number of prisoners, exclusive of seamen, was
over 7,000, and the British loss during the siege was between five
and six hundred. The army of the allies consisted of 7,000 Ameri-
can regular troops, upward of 5,000 French, and 4,000 militia. The
loss in killed and wounded was about 300. The captured property

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1434 WASHINGTON.

mitted to Corawallis, but Washington, resolved to admit
of no delay, directed the articles to be transcribed; and,
on the morning of the 19th, sent them to his lordship, with
a letter expressing his expectation that they would be
signed by 1 1 and that the garrison would march out at 2
in the afternoon. Finding that no better terms could be
obtained, Comwallis submitted to a painful necessity, and,
on the 19th of October, surrendered the posts of York-
town and Gloucester point to the combined armies of
America and France, on condition that his troops should
receive the same honors of war which had been granted
to the garrison of Charleston when it surrendered to Sir
Henry Clinton. The army, artillery, arms, accoutrements,
military chest, and public stores of every description were
surrendered to Washington; the ships in the harbor and
the seamen to Count de Grasse.

Comwallis wished to obtain permission for his Euro-
pean troops to return home, on condition of not serving
against America, France, or their allies during the war,
but this was refused, and it was agreed that they should
remain prisoners of war in Virginia, Maryland, and Penn-
sylvania, accompanied by a due proportion of officers for
their protection and government The British general was
also desirous of securing from punishment such Ameri-
cans as had joined the royal standard, but this was refused,
on the plea that it was a point which belonged to the civil
authority and on which the military power was not com-
petent to decide. But the end was gained in an indirect
way, for Comwallis was permitted to send the Bonetta

consisted of a large train of artillery — viz., 75 brass and 69 iron
cannon, howitzers, and mortars; also a large quantity of arms,
ammunition, military stores, and provisions fell to the Americans.
One frigate, 2 ships of twenty guns each, a number of transports
and other vessels, and 1,500 seamen were surrendered to de Grasse.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1435

sloop-of-war unsearched to New York, witli dispatches to
the Commander-in-Chief and to put on board as many
soldiers as he thought proper, to be accounted for in any
subsequent exchange. •This was understood to be a tadt
permission to send off the most obnoxious of the Ameri-
cans, which was accordingly done.

The officers and soldiers were allowed to retain their
private property. Such officers as were not required to
remain with the troops were permitted to return to Europe
or to reside in any part of America not in possession of
the British troops.

Dr. Thacher, who was present during the whole siege,
thus describes the surrender: "At about 12 o'clock the
combined army was arranged and drawn up in two lines,
extending more than a mile in length. The Americans
were drawn up in a line on the right side of the road, and
the French occupied the left. At the head of the former
the great American commander, mounted on his noble
courser, took his station, attended by his aides. At the
head of the latter was posted the excellent Count Rocham-
beau and his suite. The French troops, in complete uni-
form, displayed a noble and martial appearance ; their band
of music, of which the timbrel formed a part, is a delight-
ful novelty, and produced, while marching to the ground,
a most enchanting effect. The Americans, though not all
in uniform nor their dress so neat, yet exhibited an erect,
soldierly air and every countenance beamed with satisfac-
tion and joy. The concourse of spectators from the coun-
try was prodigious, in point of numbers nearly equal to the
military, but universal silence and order prevailed. It was
about 2 o'clock when the captive army advanced through
the line formed for their reception. Every eye was pre-
pared to gaze on Lord Comwallis, the object of peculiar
interest and solicitude, but he disappointed our anxious

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1486 WASHINGTON.

expectations. Pretending indisposition, he made General
O'Hara his substitute as the leader of his army. This
officer was followed by the conquered troops in a slow
and solemn step, with shouldered arms, colors cased, and
drums beating a British march. Having arrived at the
head of the Hne, General O'Hara, elegantly mounted, ad-
vanced to his Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief, taking
off his hat and apologizing for the nonappearance of Earl
Comwallis. With his usual dignity and politeness, his
Excellency pointed to Major-General Lincoln for direc-
tions, by whom the British army was conducted into a
spacious field, where it was intended they should ground
their arms. The royal troops, while marching through
the line formed by the allied army, exhibited a decent and
neat appearance as respects arms and clothing, for their
commander opened his store and directed every soldier
to be furnished with a new suit complete prior to the
capitulation. But in their line of march we remarked a
disorderly and unsoldierlike conduct ; their step was irregu-
lar and their ranks frequently broken. But it was in the
field, when they came to the last act of the drama, that
the spirit and pride of the British soldier was put to the
severest test. Here their mortification could not be con-
cealed. Some of the platoon officers appeared to be ex-
ceedingly chagrined when giving the word, 'Ground
arms !' and I am a witness that they performed this duty
in a very unofficerlike manner and that many of the sol-
diers manifested a sullen temper, throwing their arms on
the pile with violence, as if determined to render them use-
less. This irregularity, however, was <;hecked by the au-
thority of General Lincoln. After having grounded their
arms and divested themselves of their accoutrements, the
captive troops were conducted back to Yorktown and

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UFB AND TIMES. 1437

guarded by our troops until they could be conducted to
the place of their destination."

Congress bestowed its thanks freely and fully upon the
Commander-in-Chief, Count de Rochambeau, Count de
Grasse, and the various officers of the different corps, and
the brave soldiers under their command. Two stands of
colors, trophies of war, were voted to Washington and
two pieces of cannon to Rochambeau and de Grasse, and
it was also voted that a marble column to commemorate
the alliance and the victory should be erected in York-
town. On the day after the surrender the general orders
closed as follows: "Divine service shall be performed
to-morrow in the different brigades and divisions. The
Commander-in-Chief recommends that all the troops that
are not upon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment
and that sensibility of heart which the recollection of the
surprising and particular interposition of Providence in
our favor claims." A proclamation was also issued by
Congress appointing the 13th of December as a day of
thanksgiving and prayer, on account of this signal and
manifest favor of Divine Providence in behalf of our
country.

The news of Cornwallis' surrender was received
throughout the country with the most tumutuous expres-
sions of joy. The worthy New England Puritans consid-
ered it, as Cromwell did the victory at Worcester, "the
crowning mercy." It promised them a return of peace
and prosperity. The people of the middle States regarded it
as a guarantee for their speedy deliverance from the pres-
ence of a hated enemy. »But to the southern States it
was more than this. It was the retributive justice of
Heaven against a band of cruel and remorseless murder-
ers and robbers, who had spread desolation and sorrow
through their once happy homes. It is asserted in Gor-

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1438 WASHINGTON.

don's "History of the War" that wherever Comwallis'
army marched the dwelling-houses were plundered of
everything that could be carried off. The stables of Vir-
ginia were plundered of the horses on which his cavalry
rode in their ravaging march through that State. Millions
of property, in tobacco and other merchandise and in pri-
vate houses and public buildings, were destroyed by
Arnold, Philips, and Cornwallis in Virginia alone. The
very horse which Tarleton had the impudence to ride on
the day of the surrender was stolen from a planter's stable,
who recognized it on the field and compelled Tarleton to
give it up and mount a sorry hack for the occasion

It was computed at the time that 1400 widows were
made by the war in the single district of Ninety-Six. The
whole devastation occasioned by the British army, during
six months previous to the surrender at Yorktown,
amounted to not less than £3,000,000 sterling, an immense
loss for so short a time, falling, as it did, chiefly on the
rural population. No wonder that they assembled in
crowds to witness the humiliation of Cornwallis and his
army. To them it was not only a triumph, but a g^eat
deliverance. Well might the Virginians triumph. The
return of their favorite commander, a son of the soil, had
speedily released their State from ravage and destruction
and restored them to comparative peace and repose.

On the very day of Cornwallis' surrender, Qinton sailed
from New York with reinforcements. He had been per-
fectly aware of Cornwallis' extreme peril and was anxious
to relieve him, but the fleet had sustained considerable
damage in the battle with de Grasse and some time was
necessarily spent in repairing it. During that interval four
ships-of-the-line arrived from Europe and two from the
West Indies. At length Qinton embarked with 7,000 of
his best troops, but was unable to sail from Sandy Hook

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UFE AND TIMES. 1439

till the 19th (1781), the day on which Cornwallis surren-
dered. The fleet, consisting of twenty-five ships-of-the-
line, two vessels of fifty guns each, and eight frigates, ar-
rived oflf the Chesapeake on the 24th (October, 1781),
when Qinton had the mortification to be informed' of the
event of the 19th. He remained on the coast, however,
till the 29th, when, every doubt being removed concern-
ing the capitulation of Cornwallis, whose relief was the
sole object of the expedition, he returned to New York.

While Qinton continued oflf the Chesapeake, the French
fleet, consisting of thirty-six sail-of-the-line, satisfied with
the advantage already gained, lay at anchor in the bay with-
out making any movement whatever.

Washington, considering the present a favorable oppor-
tunity for following up his success by an expedition against
the British army in Charleston, wrote a letter to Count
de Grasse on the day after the capitulation, requesting him
to unite his fleet to the proposed armament and assist in
the expedition. He even went on board the admiral's fleet
to thank him for his late services in the siege and to urge
upon him the feasibility and importance of this plan of
operations. But the orders of his court, ulterior projects,
and his engagements with the Spaniards put it out of the
power of the French admiral to continue so long in Amer-
ica as was required. He, however, remained some days
in the bay in order to cover the embarkation of the troops
and of the ordnance to be conveyed by water to the head
of the Elk.* Some brigades proceeded by land to join
their companions at that place. Some cavalry marched to
join General Greene, but the French troops, under Count
Rochambeau, remained in Virginia to be in readiness to

♦On his departure, the Count de Grasse received from Wash-
ington a present of two elegant horses as a token of his friendship
and esteem.

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1440 WASHINGTON.

march to the south or north, as the circumstances of the
next campaign might require. On the 27th the troops
of St Simon began to embark, in order to return to the
West Indies, and early in November Count de Grasse
sailed for that quarter.

Part of the prisoners were sent to Winchester in Vir-
ginia and Fredericktown, Maryland, the remainder to Lan-
caster, Pennsylvania. Lord Comwallis and the principal
officers were paroled and sailed for New York. During
their stay at Yorktown, after the surrender, they received
the most delicate attentions from the conquerors. Dr.
Thacher, in his "Military Journal," notices particularly
some of these attentions : " Lord Comwallis and his offi-
cers," he says, " since their capitulation, have received all
the civilities and hospitality which is in the power of their
conquerors to bestow. General Washington, Count
Rochambeau, and other general officers have frequently
invited them to entertainments, and they have expressed
their grateful acknowledgments in return. They cannot
avoid feeling the striking contrast between the treatment
which they now experience and that which they have be-
stowed on our prisoners who have unfortunately fallen into
their hands. It is a dictate of humanity and benevolence,
after sheathing the sword, to relieve and meliorate the
condition of the vanquished prisoner.

"On one occasion, while in the presence of General
Washington, Lord Comwallis was standing with his head
uncovered. His Excellency said to him, politely, *My
lord, you had better be covered from the cold.' His lord-
ship, applying his hand to his head, replied, ' It matters
not, sir, what becomes of this head now.' "

The reader will not have failed to notice that the capture
of Comwallis was effected solely by the able and judicious
strategy of Washington. It was he that collected from

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ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1441

different parts of the country the forces that were neces-
sary to inclose that commander and his hitherto victorious
army as it were in a net, from which there was no possi-
bility of escape. It was he who, by personal influence and
exertion, brought de Grasse to renounce his expected tri-
umphs at sea and zealously assist in the siege by prevent-
ing Comwallis from receiving any aid from British naval
forces. It was he who detained de Grasse at a critical
moment of the siege, when he was anxious to go off with
the chief part of his force and engage the British at sea.
In short, it was he who provided all, oversaw all, directed
all, and having, by prudence and forethought, as well as by
activity and perseverance, brought all the elements of con-
quest together, combined them into one mighty effort with
glorious success. It was the second siege on a grand
scale which had been brought to a brilliant and fortunate
conclusion by the wisdom and prudence as well as the
courage and perseverance of Washington. In the first he
expelled the enemy and recovered Boston uninjured, free-
ing the soil for a time from the presence of the enemy. In
the second, he captured the most renowned and successful
British army in America and dictated his own terms of
surrender to a commander who, from his marquee, had
recently given law to three States of the Union.
9x

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CHAPTER XXIV.

CLOSB OP THB WAR.

1782-1783.

AFTER the surrender of ComwalHs, the combined
forces were distributed in diflferent parts of the
country, in the manner we have described at the
close of the last chapter. Having personally superintended
the distribution of the ordnance and stores, and the de-
parture of the prisoners as well as the embarkation of the
troops, who were to go northward under General Lincoln,
Washington left Yorktown on the 5th of November (1781)
for Eltham, the seat of his friend. Colonel Basset. He ar-
rived there the same day, but he came to a house of mourn-
ing. His stepson, John Parke Custis, was just expiring
when he reached the house. Washington was just in time
to be present, with Mrs. Washington and Mrs. Custis, her
daughter-in-law, at the last painful mcwnent of the young
man's departure to the world of spirits. Mr. Custis had
been an object of peculiar affection and care to Washing-
ton, who had superintended his education and introduc-
tion to public life. He had entered King^s college in New
York, in 1773, but soon after left that institution and mar-
ried the daughter of Mr. Benedict Calvert, February 3,
1774. He had passed the winter of 1775 at headquarters
in Cambridge with his wife and Mrs. Washington. He
had subsequently been elected a member of the House
of Burgesses of Virginia, in which office he acquitted
himself with honor, and he was now cut off on the very

(1442)

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UFE AND TIMES. 1443

threshold of life being only twenty-eight years of age at
the time of his decease. He left a widow and four young
children. The two youngest of these children, one less
than two and the other four years old, were adopted by
Washington, and thenceforward formed a part oi his im-
mediate family. During the last year of Mr. Custis' life,
Washington, writing to General Greene, took occasion to
cite a passage from his correspondence. He says, " I have
received a letter from Mr. Custis, dated the 29th ultimo
(March, 1781), in which are these words: ' General Greene
has by his conduct gained universal esteem, and possesses,
in the fullest degree, the confidence of all ranks of people.' "
He had just then returned from the Assembly at Rich-
mond.

Washington remained for several days at Eltham to
comfort the family in their severe affliction, and then pro-
ceeded to Mount Vernon, where he arrived on the 13th
of November. From this home of his early affections he
wrote to Lafayette on the 15th (1781), accounting for his
not having joined him in Philadelphia, by the pressure of
private and public duties. In this letter, ever attentive to
the interests of his country, Washington expresses his
views with respect to the next campaign; and as Lafayette,
after the expedition with de Grasse to the South was
abandoned, had determined to pass the winter in France,
Washington takes occasion in this letter to impress upon
his mind the absolute necessity of a strong naval force in
order to conduct the next campaign to a successful ter-
mination. In concluding his letter, Washington says:
" If I should be deprived of the pleasure of a personal in-
terview with you before your departure, permit me to
adopt this method of making you a tender of my ardent
vows for a prosperous voyage, a gracious reception from
your prince, an honorable reward for your services, a

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1444 WASHINGTON.

happy meeting with your lady and friends, and a safe re-
turn in the spring to, my dear marquis, your affectionate
friend, etc. — Washington."

Washington had given Lafayette leave to proceed to
Philadelphia, where he obtained from Congress permission
to visit his family in France for such a period as he should
think proper. Congress at the same time passed resolu-
tions doing justice to the zeal and military conduct of
Lafayette. Among them were the following:

''Resolved, that the Secretary of Foreign Affairs ac-
quaint the ministers plenipotentiary of the United States,
that it is the desire of Congress that they confer with the
Marquis de Lafayette, and avail themselves of his informa-
tion relative to the affairs of the United States.

" Resolved, that the Secretary of Foreign Affairs further
acquaint the minister plenipotentiary at the court of Ver-
sailles, that he will conform to the intention of Congress
by consulting with and employing the assistance of the
Marquis de Lafayette in accelerating the supplies which
may be afforded by his most Christian majesty for the use
of the United States."

Lafayette was also commended by Congress to the no-
tice of Louis XVI in very warm terms. Having received
his instructions from Congress and completed his prepara-
tions, he went to Boston, where the American frigate
Alliance awaited his arrival. His farewell letter to Con-
gress is dated on board this vessel, December 23, 1781,
and immediately after writing it he set sail for his native
country.

Before proceeding to Philadelphia Washington visited
Alexandria, where he was honored with a public reception
and an address from a committee of the citizens, in repl)ring
to which he was careful to remind them, when referring
to the late success at Yorktown, that " a vigorous prose-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1445

cution of this success would, in all probability," procure
peace, liberty, and independence. He also visited An-
napolis, where the Legislature was in session. A vote of
thanks was passed by that body (22d November, 1781), and
in replying to it Washington also reminded the legis-
lators of Maryland that the war was by no means finished,
and that further exertions were required to be made by
the States.

The splendid success of the allied arms in Virginia, and
the great advantages obtained still further south, produced
no disposition in Washington to relax those exertions
which might yet be necessary to secure the great object
of the contest. " I shall attempt to stimulate Congress,"
said he in a letter to General Greene, written at Mount
Vernon, *'to the best improvement of our late success,
by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be
ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year.
My greatest fear is that viewing this stroke in a point
of light which may too much magnify its importance
they may think otu* work too nearly closed and fall into
a state of languor and relaxation. To {M-event this error
I shall employ every means in my power, and, if unhap-
pily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame
shall be mine."

On the 27th of November (1781) Washington reached
Philadelphia, and Congress passed a resolution granting
him an audience on the succeeding day. On his appear-
ance the President addressed him in a short speech, inform-
ing him that a committee was appointed to state the
requisitions to be made for the proper establishment of
the army, and expressing the expectation that he would
remain in Philadelphia, in order to aid the consultations on
that important subject.

The Secretary of War, the financier, Robert Mcmtis, and

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1446 WASHINGTON.

the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Robert R. Livingston, as*
sisted at these deliberations, and the business was con-
cluded with unusual celerity.

A revenue was scarcely less necessary than an army,
and it was obvious that the means for carrying oa the war
must be obtained either by impressment or by a vigorous
course of taxation. But both these alternatives depended
on the States, and the government of the Union resorted
to the influence of Washington in aid of its requisitions.

But no exertions on the part of America alone could
expel the invading army. A superiority at sea was in-
dispensable to the success of c^ensive iterations against
the posts which the British still held within the United
States. To obtain this superiority Washington pressed
its importance on the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the minister
of France, and commanding officers of the French troops,
as he had on Lafayette when he was about to return to
his native country.

The first intelligence from Europe was far from being
conciliatory. The Parliament of Great Britain reassembled
in November (1781). The speech from the throne breathed
a settled purpose to continue the war, and the addresses
from both bouses, which were carried by large majorities,
echoed the sentiment.

In the course of the animated debates which these ad-
dresses occasioned, an intention was indeed avowed by
some members of the administration to direct the whole
force of the nation against France and Spain, and to sus-
pend offensive operations in the interior of the United
States until the strength of those powers should be broken.
In the meantime the posts then occupied by their troops
were to be maintained.

This development of the views of the administration fur-
nished additional motives to the American government

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UFB AND TIMES. 1447

for exerting all the faculties of the nation to expd the
British garrisons from New York and Charleston. The
efforts of Washington to produce these exertions were
earnest and unremitting, but not successful. The State
Legislatures declared the inability of their constituents to
pay taxes. Instead of filling the Continental treasury
some were devising means to draw money from it, and
some of those which passed bills imposing heavy taxes di-
rected that the demands of the State should be first satis-
fied, and that the residue only should be paid to the Con-
tinental receiver. By the unwearied attention and judicious
arrangements of Robert Morris, the minister of finance,
the expenses of the nation had been greatly reduced. The
bank established in Philadelphia, and his own high char-
acter, had enabled him to support in some degree a system
of credit, the advantages of which were incalculably great.
He had, through the Chevalier de la Luzerne, obtained
permission from the King of France to draw for half a
million of livres monthly, until 6,000,000 should be re-
ceived. To prevent the diversion of any part of this sum
from the most essential objects, he had concealed the
negotiation even from Congress, and had communicated
it only to Washington; yet after receiving the first install-
ment it was discovered that Dr. Franklin had anticipated
the residue of the loan and had appropriated it to the pur-
poses of the United States. At the commencement of the
year 1782 not a dollar remained in the treasury, and al-
though Congress had required the payment of 2,000,000
on the 1st of April not a cent had been received on the
23d of that month, and so late as the ist of June (1782)
not more than $20,000 had reached the treasury. Yet to
Robert Morris every eye was turned, to him the empty
hand of every public creditor was stretched for, and against
him, instead of the State governments, the complaints and

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1448 WASHINGTON.

imprecations of every unsatisfied claimant were directed.
In July (1782), when the second quarter annual payment
of taxes ought to have been received, Morris was informed
by some of his agents, that the collection of the revenue
had been postponed in some of the States, in consequence
of which tiie month of December would arrive before any
money could come into the hands of the Continental re-
ceivers. In a letter commtmicating this unpleasant intelli-
gence to Washington, he added: "With such gloomy
prospects as this letter affords I am tied here to be baited
by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture
of all that is valuable in life, and which I hoped at this
moment to enjoy, I am to be paid by invective. Scarce
a day passes in which I am not tempted to give back into
the hands of Congress the power they have delegated,
and to lay down a burden which presses me to the earth.
Nothing {M-events me but a knowledge of the difficulties I
am obliged to struggle under. What may be the success
of my efforts God only knows, but to leave my post at
present would, I know, be ruinous. This candid state of
my situation and feelings I give to your bosom, because
you, who have already felt and suffered so much, will be
able to sympathize with me."

Fortunatdy for the United States the temper of the
British nation on the subject of continuing the war did
not accord with that of its Sovereign. That war, into
which the people had entered with at least as much eager-
ness as the minister, had become almost universally un-
popular.

Motions against the measures of administration respect-
ing America were repeated by the opposition, and, on
every experiment, the strength of the minority increased.
At length, on the 27th of February (1782), General Con-
way moved in the Hottse of Commons, '^that it is the

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UFE AND TIMES. 1449

opinion of this house that a further prosecution of offensive
war against America would, under present circumstances,
be the means of weakening the efiForts of this country
against her European enemies, and tend to increase the
mutual emnity so fatal to the interests both of Great
Britain and America." The whole force of administration
was exerted to get rid of this resolution, but was exerted
in vain, and it was carried. An address to the King, in
the words of the resolution, was immediately voted, and
was presented by the whole 'house. The answer of the
Crown being deemed inexplicit it was, on the 4th of March
(1782), resolved " that the house will consider as enemies
to his Majesty and the country, all those who should ad-
vise or attempt a fiuther prosecution of offensive war on
the continent of North America."

These votes were soon followed by a change of ministers
and by instructions to the officers commanding the forces
in America, which conformed to them.

While Washington was employed in addressing circular
letters to the State governments, suggesting all those mo-
tives which might stimulate them to exertions better pro-
portioned to the exigency, English papers, containing the
debates in Parliament on the various propositions respect-
ing America, reached the United States. Alarmed at the
impression these debates might make, he introduced the
opinions it was deemed prudent to inculcate respecting
them into the tetters he was then about to transmit to the
Governors of the several States. " I have perused these
debates," he said, "with great attention and care, with a
view, if possible, to penetrate their real design, and upon
the most mattu'e deliberation I can bestow I am obliged
to declare it as my candid opinion that the measure, in all
its views, so far as it respects America, is merely delusory,
having no serious intention to admit our independence

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145Q WASHINGTON.

upon its true principles, but is calculated to produce a
change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people
and reconcile them to a continuance of the war, while it
is meant to amuse this country with a false idea of peace,
to draw us from our connection with France, and to lull
us into a state of security and inactivity; which taking
place, the ministry will be left to prosecute the war in other
parts of the world with greater vigor and eflfect. Your
Excellency will permit me on this occasion to observe
that, even if the nation and Parliament are really in ear-
nest to obtain peace with America, it will undoubtedly
be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and cir-
cumspection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in
our hands, and instead of relaxing one iota in our exer-
tions, rather to spring forward with redoubled vigor, that
we may take the advantage of every favorable opportunity
until our wishes are fully obtained. No nation yet suf-
fered in treaty by preparing (even in the moment of nego-
tiation) most vigorously for the field.

"The industry which the enemy is using to propagate
their pacific reports appears to me a circumstance very
suspicious, and the eagerness with which the people, as I
am informed, are catching at them, is, in my opinion,
equally dangerous."

While Washington was still residing at Philadelphia, in
conference with the committees of Congress, a spirited
naval action took place near the capes of* the Delaware,
which must have aflforded him much gratification.

The Delaware bay was, at this period, says Peterson,*
infested with small cruisers of the enemy, which not only
captured the river craft, but molested the neighboring
shores. To repress these marauders, the State of Pennsyl-

♦ C. J. Peterson, " History of the Navy of the United States."

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UFE AND TIMES. 1451

vania determined to fit out a vessel or two at its own ex-
pense, and with this view a small merchant ship, called
the Hyder Ali, then lying outward-bound with a cargo of
flour, was purchased. It took but a few days to discharge
her freight, to pierce her for sixteen guns, and to provide
her with an armament. Volunteers flocked to offer them-
selves for her crew. The command was given to Barney,
and, at the head of a convoy of outward-boimd merchant-
men, he stood down the bay, and anchored, on the 8th
of April (1782), in the roads off Cape May, where he
awaited a proper wind for the traders to go to sea. Sud-
denly two ships and a brig, one of the former a frigate,
were seen rounding the cape, obviously with the intention
of attacking him, on which he signalled the convoy to
stand up the bay, the wind being at the southward, himself
covering their rear, and the enemy in hot pursuit.

In order to head off the fugitives, the frigate took one
channel and her consorts the other, the ship and brig
choosing that which the Hyder Ali had selected. The
brig, being a very fast vessel, soon overhauled Barney,
but, contenting herself with giving him a broadside as she
passed, pressed on in pursuit of the convoy. The Hyder
Ali declined to return this fire, holding herself in reserve
for the ship, a sloop-of-war mounting twenty guns, which
was now seen rapidly approaching. When the English-
man drew near, Barney suddenly luffed, threw in his broad-
side, and immediately righting his helm, kept away again.
This staggered the enemy, who, being so much the su-
perior and having a frigate within sustaining distance, had
expected the Hyder Ali to surrender. The two vessels
were now within pistol shot of each other, and the forward
guns of the British were just beginning to bear, when Bar-
ney, in a loud voice, ordered his quartermaster "to port
his helm." The command was distinctly heard on board

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1452 WASHINGTON.

the enemy» as indeed Barney had intended it should be,
and the Englishman immediately prepared to manoeuvre
his ship accordingly. But the quartermaster of the Hyder
Ali had, prior to this, received his instructions, and, instead
of obejdng Barney's pretended order, whirled his wheel
in the contrary direction, luffing the American ship athwart
the hawse of her antagonist. The jib-boom of the enemy,
in consequence of this, caught in the forerigging of the
Hyder Ali, giving the latter the raking position which
Barney had desired.

Not a cheer rose from the American vessel, even at this
welcome spectacle, for the men knew that factory against
such odds was still uncertain, and they thought as yet only
of securing it. Nor did the British, at a sight so dispirit-
ing to them, yield in despair. On the contrary, both crews
rushed to their guns, and, for half an hour, the combat
was waged on either side with desperate fury. The two
vessels were soon enveloped in smoke. The explosions
of the artillery were like continuous claps of thunder. In
twenty-six minutes not less than twenty broadsides were
discharged. Nor was the struggle confined to the bat-
teries. Riflemen, posted in the tops of the Hyder Ali,
picked oflf one by one the crew of the enemy, until his
decks ran slippery with blood and 56 out of his crew of
140 had fallen. All this while Barney stood on the quar-
ter-deck of his ship, a mark for the enemy's sharpshooters,
until they were driven from their stations by the superior
aim of the Americans. At length, finding further resist-
ance hopeless, the Englishman struck his colors. Huzza
on huzza now rose from the deck of the victor. Barney,
on taking possession, discovered that the vessel he had
captured was the General Monk, and that her weight of
metal was nearly twice his own. Notwithstanding the
presence of the frigate, the young hero succeeded in briag-

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UPE AND TIMES. 1453

ing off his prize in safety and in a few hours had moored
her by the Hyder Ali's side, opposite Philadelphia, with
the dead of both ships still on their decks. In this action
Barney lost but 4 killed and 11 wounded. For the vic-
tory, conceded to be the most brilliant of the latter years
of the war, Barney was rewarded by the State of Penn-
sylvania with a gold-hilted sword. In consequence of the
capture of the General Monk, the Delaware ceased to be
infested with the enemy.

About the middle of April (1782), Washington left Phila-
delphia, where he had remained since November (1781),
and joined the army, his headquarters being at Newburg.
He was directly informed of a very shameful proceeding
on the part of some refugees from New York, and felt
compelled to give the matter his serious attention. The
circumstances were these: Captain Huddy, who com-
manded a body of troops in Monmouth county. New Jer-
sey, was attacked by a party of refugees, was made pris-
oner, and closely confined in New York. A few days
afterward they led him out and hanged him, with a label
on his breast declaring that he was put to death in retalia-
tion for some of their number, who, they said, had suffered
a similar fate. Taking up the matter promptly, Washing-
ton submitted it to his officers, laid it before Congress, and
wrote to Qinton demanding that Captain Lippencot, the
perpetrator of the horrid deed, should be given up. The
demand not being complied with, Washington, in accord-
ance with the opinion of the council of officers, determined
upon retaliation. A British officer, of equal rank with
Captain Huddy, was chosen by lot. Captain Asgill, a
young man just nineteen years old, and the only son of
his parents, was the one upon whom the lot fell. The
whole affair was in suspense for a number of months.
Both Qinton and Carleton, his successor, reprobated the

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1454 WASHINGTON,

act of Lippencot with great severity, yet he was not given
up, it being considered by a court-martial thai he had only
obeyed the orders of the Board of Associated Loyalists
in New York. Great interest was made to save Asgill's
life; his mother begged the interference of the Count de
Vergennes, who wrote to Washington in her behalf. Early
in November Washington performed the grateful task of
setting Captain ASsgill at liberty.

Meantime the army, by whose toils and suflEerings the
country had been carried through the perils of the Revo-
lution, remained unpaid, apparently disregarded by Con-
gress and by the people whom they had delivered from
oppression. It seemed probable that they would speedily
be disbanded, without any adequate provision being made
by Congress for the compensation which was due to them,
and which had been solemnly promised by repeated acts
of legislation. They were very naturally discontented.
Their complaints and murmurs began to be ominous of
very serious consequences. They even began to question
the efficiency of the form of government, which appeared
to be unfitted for meeting the first necessities of the coun-
try— the maintenance and pay of its military force. They
began to consider the propriety of establishing a more
energetic form of government, while they still had their
arms in their hands. Colonel Nicola, an able and experi-
enced officer, who stood high in Washington's estimation,
and had frequently been made the medium of communi-
cation between him and the officers, was chosen as the
organ for making known their sentiments to him on the
present occasion. In a letter carefully written, after com-
menting upon the gloomy state of public affairs, the dis-
ordered finances, and other embarrassments occasioned
by the war, all caused by defective political organization,
he proceeded to say : " This must have shown to all, and

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UFE AND TIMES, 1455

to military men in particular, the weakness of republics,
and the exertions the army have been able to make by
being under a proper head. Therefore, I little doubt that,
when the benefits of a mixed government are pointed out
and duly considered, such will be readily adopted. In this
case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted that the same
abilities which have led us through difficulties, apparently
insurmountable by human power, to victory and glory,
those qualities that have merited and obtained the universal
esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely
to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace.
Some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and
monarchy as to find it very difficult to separate them. It
may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of such a
constitution as I propose some title apparently more mod-
erate ; but, if all things were once adjusted, I believe strong
arguments might be produced for admitting the name of
King, which I conceive would be attended with some ma-
terial advantages."

The answer of Washington to this communication was
in the following terms:

"Newburg, 22d May, 1782.

" Sir. — With a mixture of great surprise and astonish-
ment, I have read with attention the sentiments you have
submitted to my perusal. Be assured, sir, no occurrence
in the course of the war has given me more painful sensa-
tions than your information of there being such ideas*
existing in the army as you have expressed, and I must
view with abhorrence and reprehend with severity. For
the present, the communication of them will rest in my
own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter
shall make a disclosure necessary.

" I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my con-

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1466 WASHINGTON.

duct could have given encouragement to an address,
which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that
can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the knowl-
edge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom
yoiu" schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time,
in justice to my own feelings, I must add, that no man
possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done
to the army than I do ; and as far as my powers and in-
fluence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be
employed, to the utmost of my abilities, to effect it, should
there be any occasion. Let me conjure you, then, if you
have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or
posterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from
your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or
any one else, a sentiment of the like nature.
"I am, sir, &c.,

" George Washington."

This was the language of Washington at a time when
the army was entirely devoted to him, when his popularity
was equal to that of Cromwell or Napoleon in their palm-
iest days. Certain officers of the army were ready, at a
word, to make him king; and the acknowledged ineffi-
ciency of the existing government would have furnished
a plausible reason for the act. But Washington was not
formed of the material that kings are made of. Personal
ambition he despised. To be, not to seem great and good
was his aim. To serve, and not to rule his country was
his object. He was too true a patriot to assume the power
and title of a monarch. Early in May (1782) Sir Guy
Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry Qinton in the
command of all the British forces in the United States,
arrived at New York. Having been also appointed^ in

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UPE AND TIMES. 1467

conjunction with Admiral Digby, a commissioner to nego*
tiatc a peace, he lost no time in conveying to Washington
copies of the votes of the British Parliament, and of a bill
which had been introduced on the part of the administra-
tion, authorizing the King to conclude a peace or truce
with those who were still denominated "the revolted
Colonies of North America." These papers, he said, would
manifest the dispositions prevailing with the government
and people of England toward those of America, and, if
the like pacific temper should prevail in this country, both
inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with the
most zealous concurrence. He had addressed to Con*
gress, he said, a letter containing the same communica*
tions, and he solicited a passport for the person who should
convey it.

At this time (1782) the bill enabling the British mon-
arch to conclude a peace or truce with America had not
become a law, nor was any assurance given that the
present commissioners were empowered to offer other
terms than those which had been formerly rejected. Gen-
eral Carleton, therefore, could not hope that negotiations
would commence on such a basis, nor be disappointed at
the refusal of the passports he requested by Congress, to
whom the application was, of course, referred by Washing-
ton. The letter may have been written for the general
purpose of conciliation, but the situation of the United
States justified a suspicion of different motives, and pru-
dence required that their conduct should be influenced
by that suspicion. The repugnance of the King to a dis-
memberment of the empire was understood, and it was
thought probable that the sentiments expressed in the
House of Commons might be attributable rather to a de-
sire of changing ministers than to any fixed determination
5»

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1468 WASHINGTON,

to relinquish the design of reannexing America to the
Crown.

Under these impressions, the overtures now made were
considered as opiates administered to lull the spirit of
vigilance, which Washington and his friends in Congress
labored to keep up, into a state of fatal repose, and to pre-
vent those measures of security which it might yet be
necessary to adopt

This jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence re-
ceived from Europe. The utmost address of the British
cabinet had been employed to detach the belligerents from
each other. The mediation of Russia had been accepted
to procure a separate peace with Holland; propositions
had been submitted both to France and Spain, tending to
an accommodation of differences with each of those pow-
ers singly, and inquiries had been made of Mr. Adams,
the American minister at the Hague in place of Mr.
Laurens, which seemed to contemplate the same object
with regard to the United States. These political ma-
noeuvres furnished additional motives for doubting the sin-
cerity of the English cabinet. Whatever views might
actuate the court of St. James on this subject, the resolu-
tion of the American government to make no separate
treaty was unalterable.

But the public votes which have been stated, and prob-
ably his private instructions, restrained Sir Guy Carleton
from offensive war, and the state of the American army
disabled Washington from making any attempt on the
posts in possession of the British. The campaign of 1782
consequently passed away without furnishing any military
operations of moment between the armies under the
immediate direction of the respective Commanders-in
Chief.

Early in August (1782) a letter was received by Wash-

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LIFE AND TIMES, 1459

ington from Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, which,
among other communications manifesting a pacific dis-
position on the part of England, contained the informa-
tion that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, invested with full
powers to treat with all the parties at war, that negotia-
tions for a general peace were already commenced and
that his Majesty had commanded his minister to direct
Mr. Grenville that the independence of the thirteen prov-
inces should be proposed by him in the first instance
instead of being made a condition of a general treaty.
But that this proposition would be made in the confi-
dence that the Loyalists would be restored to their pos-
sessions, or a full compensation made them for whatever
confiscations might have taken place.

This letter was, not long afterward, followed by one from
Sir Guy Carleton, declaring that he could discern no fur-
ther object of contest, and that he disapproved of all fur-
ther hostilities by sea or land, which could only multiply
the miseries of individuals, without a possible advantage
to either nation. In pursuance of this opinion, he had,
soon after his arrival in New York, restrained the practice
of detaching parties of Indians against the frontiers of the
United States and had recalled those which were pre-
viously engaged in those bloody incursions.

These communications appear to have alarmed the
jealousy of the minister of France. To quiet his fears
Congress renewed the resolution "to enter into no dis-
cussion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence
and in concert with his most Christian Majesty," and again
recommended to the several States to adopt such meas-
ures as would most effectually guard against all inter-
course with any subjects of the British Crown during the
war.

In South Carolina the American army under General

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1460 WASHINGTUN.

Greene maintained its position in front of Jacksonborough,
and that of the British under General Leslie was confined
to Charleston and its immediate vicinity. Both were in-
active for a long period, and during this time Greene's
army suffered so much for want of provisions that he
was under the necessity of authorizing the seizure of them
by the odious measure of impressment.

Privations, which had been borne without a murmur
under the excitement of active military operations, pro-
duced great irritation during the leisure which prevailed
after the enemy had abandoned the open field, and, in the
Pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly of foreign-
ers, the discontent was aggravated to such a point as to
produce a treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which
a plot is understood to have been laid for seizing General
Greene and delivering him to a detachment of British
troops which would move out of Charleston for the pur-
pose of favoring the execution of the design. It was dis-
covered when it is supposed to have been on the point of
execution, and a Sergeant Gomell, believed to be the chief
of the conspiracy, was condemned to death by a court-
martial, and executed on the 22d of April. Some others,
among whom were two domestics in the general's family,
were brought before' the court on suspicion of being con-
cerned in the plot, but the testimony was not sufficient
to convict them, and twelve deserted the night after it was
discovered. There is no reason to believe that the actual
guilt of this transaction extended further.

Charleston was held until the 14th of December. Pre-
vious to its evacuation General Leslie had proposed a ces-
sation of hostilities, and that his troops might be supplied
with fresh provisions, in exchange for articles of the last
necessity in the American camp. The policy erf govern-
ment being adverse to this proposition. General Greene

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UFE AND TIMES. 1461

was under the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and
the British general continued to supply his wants by force.
This produced several skirmishes with foraging parties,
to one of which importance was given by the untimely
death of the intrepid Laurens, whose loss was universally
lamented.

This gallant and accomplished young gentleman had
entered into the military family of Washington at an early
period of the war and had always shared a large portion
of his esteem. Brave to excess, he sought every occasion
to render service to his country and to acquire that mili-
tary fame which he pursued with the ardor of a young
soldier, whose courage seems to have partaken largely of
that romantic spirit which youth and enthusiasm produce
in a fearless mind. No small addition to the regrets occas-
ioned by hia loss was derived from the reflection that he
fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, in the last
moments of the war, when his rash exposure to the danger
which proved fatal to him could no longer be useful to his
country.

From the arrival of Sir Guy Carleton at New York, the
conduct of the British armies on the American continent
was regulated by the spirit then recently displayed in the
House of Commons, and all the sentiments expressed by
their general were pacific and conciliatory. But to these
flattering appearances it was dangerous to yield implicit
confidence. With a change of men a change of measures
might also take place, and, in addition to the ordinary
suggestions of prudence, the military events in the West
Indies were calculated to keep alive the attention, and to
continue the anxieties of the United States.

After the surrender of Lord Comwallis the arms of
France and Spain in the American seas had been attended
(with such signal success that the hope of annihilating the

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1462 WASHINGTON.

power of Great Britain in the West Indies was not too
extravagant to be indulged. Immense preparations had
been made for the invasion of Jamaica, and, early in April,
Admiral Count de Grasse sailed from Martinique with a
powerful fleet, having on board the land forces and artil-
lery which were to be employed in the operations against
that island. His intention was to form a junction with the
Spanish Admiral Don Solano, who lay at Hispaniola; after
which the combined fleet, whose superiority promised to
render it irresistible, was to proceed on the important en-
terprise which had been concerted. On his way to His-
paniola de Grasse was overtaken by Rodney, and brought
to an engagement in which he was totally defeated and
made a prisoner. This decisive victory disconcerted the
plans of the combined powers and gave security to the
British islands. In the United States it was feared that
this alteration in the aspect of affairs might influence the
councils of the English cabinet on the question of peace,
and these apprehensions increased the uneasiness with
which all intelligent men contemplated the state of the
American finances.

It was then in contemplation to reduce the army by
which many of the officers would be discharged. While
the general declared, in a confidential letter to the Secre-
tary of War, his conviction of the alacrity withj which they
would retire into private life, could they be placed in a
situation as eligible as they had left to enter into the ser-
vice, he added — " Yet I cannot help fearing the result of
the measure, when I see such a number of mert goaded by
a thousand stings of reflection oa the past, and of antici-
pation on the future, about to be turned on the world,
soured by penury, and what they call the ingratitude of
the public ; involved in debts, without one farthing of money
to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1463

days, and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing
the freedom and independence of their cotmtry; and hav-
ing suffered everything which human nature is capable of
enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect
on these irritating circumstances, unattended by one thing
to soothe their feelings or brighten the gloomy prospect,
I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will fol-
low of a very serious and distressing nature.

" I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so
far as the real life would justify me in doing, or I would
give anecdotes of patriotism and distress which have
scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed, in the his-
tory of mankind. But you may rely upon it, the patience
and long-sufferance of this army are almost exhausted,
and there never was so great a spirit of discontent as at
this instant. While in the field I think it may be kept
from breaking out into acts of outrage, but when we re-
tire into winter quarters (unless the storm be previously
dissipated) I cannot be at ease respecting the consequences.
It is high time for a peace."

"To judge rightly," says Marshall, "of the motives
which produced this uneasy temper in the army it will be
necessary to recollect that the resolution of October, 1780,
granting half-pay for lif^ to the officers stood on the mere
faith of a government possessing no funds enabling it to
perform its engagements. From requisitions alone, to be
made on sovereign States, the supplies were to be drawn
which should satisfy these meritorious public creditors,
and the ill success attending these requisitions while the
dangers of war were still impending, furnished melancholy
presages of their unproductiveness in time of peace. In
addition to this reflection, of itself sufficient to disturb the
tranquillity which the passage of the resolution had pro-
duced, were other considerations of decisive influence. The

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1464 WASHINGTON.

dispositions manifested by Congress itsdf were so un«
friendly to the half*pay establishment as to extinguish the
hope that any funds the government might acquire would
be applied to that object Since the passage of the resolu-
tion the articles of confederation, which required the con-
currence of nine States to any act appropriating public
money, had been adopted, and nine States had never been
in favor of the measure. Should the requisitions of Con-
gress therefore be respected, or should permanent funds
be granted by the States, the prevailing sentiment of the
nation was too hostile to the compensation which had been
stipulated to leave a probability that it would be sub-
stantially made. This ¥^s not merely the sentiment of the
individuals then administering the government which
might change with a change of men; it was known to be
the sense of the States they represented, and consequently
the hope could not be indulged that, on this subject, a
future Congress would be more just or would think more
liberally. As, therefore, the establishment of that inde-
pendence for which they had fought and suffered appeared
to become more certain — as the end of their toils ap-
proached— the officers became more attentive to their
own situation, and the inquietude of the army increased
with the progress of the negotiation.''

In October (1782) the French troops marched to Boston,
in order to embark for the West Indies, and the Americans
retired into winter quarters. The apparent indisposition
of the British general to act offensively, the pacific temper
avowed by the cabinet of London, and the strength of the
country in which the American troops were cantoned, gave
ample assurance that no military operations would be
undertaken during the winter which would require the
continuance of Washington in camp. But the irritable
temper of the army furnished cause for serious apprdien-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1465

sioiit and he determined to forego every gratification to
be derived from a suspension of his toils, in order to watcb
the progress of its discontent

The oflficers who had wasted their fortunes and the prime
of their lives in unrewarded service, fearing, with reason,
that Congress possessed neither the power nor the inclina-
tion to comply with its engagements to the army, could
not look with unconcern at the prospect which was open-
ing to them. In December, soon after going into winter
quarters, they presented a petition to Congress respecting
the money actually due to them, and proposing a com-
mutation of the half-pay stipulated by the resolutions of
October, 1780, for a sum in gross, which, they flattered
themselves, would encounter fewer prejudices than the half-
pay establishment Some security that the engagements
of the government would be complied with was also re-
quested. A committee of officers was deputed to solicit
the attention of Congress to this memorial, and to attend
its progress through the house.

Among the most distinguished members of the Federal
government were persons sincerely disposed to do ample
justice to the public creditors generally, and to that class
of them particularly whose claims were founded in mili-
tary service. But many viewed the army with jealous
eyes, acknowledged its merit with unwillingness, and be-
trayed, involuntarily, their repugnance to a faithful ob-
servance of the public engagements. With this question
another of equal importance was connected, on which Con-
gress was divided dmost in the same manner. One party
was attached to a State, the other to a Continental s)rstem.
The latter labored to fund the public debts on solid Con-
tinental security, while the former opposed their whole
weight to measures calculated to effect that object.

In consequence of these divisions on points of the

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14GG WASHINGTON.

deepest interest, the business of the army advanced slowly,
and the important question resjyecting the commutation of
their half-pay remained undecided (March, 1783), when in-
telligence was received of the signature of the preliminary
and eventual articles of peace between the United States
and Great Britain.

The officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present
wants, and their gloomy prospects — exasperated by the
neglect which they experienced and the injustice which
they apprehended, manifested an irritable and uneasy tem-
per, which required only a slight impulse to give it activity.
To render this temper the more dangerous, an opinion had
been insinuated that the Commander-in-Qiief was re-
strained, by extreme delicacy, from supporting their in-
terests with that zeal which his feelings and knowledge
of their situation had inspired. Early in March a letter
was received from their committee in Philadelphia, show-
ing that the objects they solicited had not been obtained.
On the lot h of that month (1783) an anonymous paper
was circulated, requiring a meeting of the general and
field officers at the public building on the succeeding day
at II in the morning, and announcing the expectation
that an officer from each company, and a delegate from
the medical staff would attend. The object of the meeting
was avowed to be, " to consider the late letter from their
representatives in Philadelphia, and what measures (if
any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of griev-
ances which they seemed to have solicited in vain."

On the same day an address to the army was privately
circulated, which was admirably well calculated to work
on the passions of the moment, and to lead to the most
desperate resolutions. This was the first of the celebrated
" Newburg Addresses," since acknowledged to have been
written by Qen. John Armstrong, at the request of several

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W'

LIFE AND TIMES, J467

of the ofiicers in camp. The following were the concluding
passages of the first address:

"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which
we set out is at length brought within our reach. Yes,
my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active
once. It has conducted the United States of America
through a doubtful and a bloody war. It has placed her
in the chair of independency; and peace returns again to
bless — whom? A country willing to redress your wrongs,
cherish your worth, and refward your services? A country
courting your return to private life with tears of gratitude
and smiles of admiration — longing to divide with you
that independency which your gallantry has given, and
those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this
the case? Or is it rather a country that tramples upon
your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your dis-
tresses? Have you not more than once suggested your
wishes and made known your wants to Congress? Wants
and wishes which gratitude and policy would have antici-
pated rather than evaded; and have you not lately, in the
meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their
justice what you could no longer expect from their favor?
How have you been answered? Let the letter which you
ar^e called to consider to-morrow reply.

" If this, then, be your treatment while the swords you
wear are necessary for the defense of America, what have
you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink and
your strength dissipate by division? When those very
swords, the instruments and companions of your glory,
shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark
of military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and
scars ? Can you then consent to be the only sufferers by
this Revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in
poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you consent

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1468 WASHINGTON.

to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the
miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto
been spent in honor? If you can — go; and carry with
you the jest of Tories and the scorn of Whigs — the ridi-
cule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world. Go —
starve and be forgotten. But if your spirit should revolt
at this, if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit
enough to oppose, tyranny under whatever garb it may
assume, whether it be the plain coat of republicanism or
the splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to
discriminate between a people and a cause, between men
and principles — awake; attend to your situation and re-
dress yourselves. If the present moment be lost, every
future effort is in vain, and your threats then will be as
empty as your entreaties now.

" I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final
opinion upon what you can bear and what you will suffer.
If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs,
carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of the gov-
ernment. Change the milk-and-water style of your last
memorial. Assume a bolder tone — decent, but lively;
spirited and determined; and suspect the man who would
advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. Let
two or three men who can feel as well as write be ap-
pointed to draw up your last remonstrance; for I would
no longer give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of
memorial. Let it be represented in language that will
neither dishonor you by its rudeness nor betray you by
its fears, what has been promised by Congress and what
has been performed ; how long and how patiently you have
suffered ; how little you have asked, and how mudi of that
little has been denied. Tell them that, though you were
the first, and would wish to be the last to encounter dan-
ger; though despair itself can never drive you into

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UFE AND TIMES. 1469

dishonor it may drive you from the field; that the
wound often irritated and never healed may at length
become incurable, and that the slightest mark of
indignity from Congress now must operate like the
grave, and part you forever ; that in any political event, the
army has its alternative — if peace, that nothing shall sepa-
rate you from your arms but death; if war, that, courting
the auspices and inviting the directions of your illustrious
leader, you will retire to some unsettled country, smile in
your turn, and *mock when their fear cometh on/ But
let it represent also that should they comply with the re-
quest of your late memorial, it would make you more
happy and them more respectable. That while war should
continue you would follow their standard into the field,
and when it came to an end, you would withdraw into the
shade of private life, and give the world another subject
of wonder and applause — an army victorious over its
enemies, victorious over itself/'

Persuaded as the officers in general were of the indis-
position of government to remunerate their services, this
eloquent and impassioned address, dictated by genius and
by feeling, found in almost every bosom a kindred though
latent sentiment prepared to receive its impression. Quick
as the train to which a torch is applied, the passions caught
its flame and nothing seemed to be required but the as-
semblage proposed for the succeeding day to communi-
cate the conflagration to the combustible mass and to
produce an explosion ruinous to the army and to the
nation.

Accustomed as Washington had been to emergencies of
great delicacy and difficulty, yet none had occurred which
called more pressingly than the present for the utmost
exertion of all his powers. He knew well that it was much
easier to avoid intemperate measures than to recede from

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1470 WASHINGTON.

them after they have been adopted. He therefore con-
sidered it as a matter of the last importance to prevent
the meeting of the officers on the succeeding day, as pro-
posed in the anonymous summons. The sensibilities of
the army were too high to admit of this being forbidden
by authority, as a violation of discipline ; but the end was
answered in another way and without irritation. Wash-
ington, in general orders, noticed the anonymous sum-
mons, as a disorderly proceeding, not to be countenanced ;
and the more effectually to divert the officers from paying
any attention to it, he requested them to meet for the
same nominal purpose, but on a day four days subsequent
to the one proposed by the anonymous writer. On the
next day (March 12th), the second " Newburg Address "
appeared, affecting to consider Washington as approving
the first, and only changing the day of meeting. But this
artifice was defeated. The intervening period was im-
proved in preparing the officers for the adoption of mod-
erate measures. Washington sent for one officer after
another, and enlarged in private on the fatal consequences,
and particularly the loss of character, which would result
from the adoption of intemperate resolutions. ,His whole
personal influence was exerted to calm the prevailing
agitation. When the officers assembled (March 15, 1783),
General Gates was called to the chair. Washington rose
and apologized for being present, which had not been his
original intention; but the circulation of anonymous ad-
dresses had imposed on him the duty of expressing his
opinion of their tendency. He had committed it to writ-
ing, and, with the indulgence of his brother officers, he
would take the liberty of reading it to them ; and then pro-
ceeded as follows:

" Gentlemen. — By an anonymous summons an at-
tempt has been made to convene you together. How in-

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1471

consistent with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and
how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good
sense of the army decide.

" In the moment of this summons, another anonymous
production was sent into circulation, addressed more to
the feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment
of the army. The author of the piece is entitled to much
credit for the goodness of his pen, and I could wish he had
as much credit for the rectitude of his heart ; for, as men
see through different optics, and are induced, by the re-
flecting faculties of the mind, to use different means to
attain the same end, the author of the address shotdd have
had more charity than to mark for suspicion the man who
should recommend moderation and longer forbearance;
or, in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and
act as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in
which candor and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice,
and love of country have no part ; and he was right to in-
sinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design.
That the address is drawn with great art and is designed
to answer the most insidious purposes ; that it is calculated
to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice
in the sovereign power of the United States, and rouse all
those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such
a belief that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he
may be, intended to take advantage of the passions, while
they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses,
without giving time for cool, deliberate thinking, and that
composure of mind which is so necessary to g^ve dignity
and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, by the
mode of conducting the business, to need other proof than
a reference to the proceeding. Thus much, gentlemen, I
have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to
show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and

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U72 WASHINGTON.

hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on
Tuesday last, and not because I wanted a disposition to
give you every opportunity, consistent vdth your own
honor and the dignity of the army, to make known your
grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to
you that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my
declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing
and improper. But as I was among the first who em-
barked in the cause of our common country; as I have
never left your side one moment, but when called from
you on public duty; as I have been the constant com-
panion and witness of your distresses, and not among the
last to feel and acknowledge your merits ; as I have ever
considered my own military reputation as inseparably con-
nected with that of the army; as my heart has ever ex-
panded with joy when I have heard its praises, and my
indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has
been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this
late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its interests.
But how are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says
the anonymous addresser. If war continues, remove into
the unsettled country ; there establish yourselves and leave
an ung^teful country to defend itself. But who are they
to defend? Our wives, our children, our farms and other
property, which we leave behind us? Or, in this state
of hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the lat-
ter cannot be removed), to perish in a wilderness with
hunger, cold, and nakedness ? If peace takes place, never
sheathe your swords, says he, until you have obtained full
and ample justice. This dreadful alternative of either de-
serting our country in the extremest hour of her distress,
or turning our arms against it, which is the apparent ob-
ject, unless Congress can be compelled into instant com-
pliance, has something so shocking in it that humanity

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UFE AND TIMES. 1473

revolts at the idea. My God! what can this writer have
in view, by recommending such measures ? Can he be a
friend to the army? Can he be a friend to this country?
Rather is he not an insidious foe ? some emissary, perhaps,
from New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the
seeds of discord and separation between the civil and mili-
tary powers of the continent? And what a compliment
does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends
measures, in either alternative, impracticable in their na-
ture I But here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, be-
cause it would be as imprudent in me to assign my rea-
sons for this opinion as it would be insulting to your con-
ception to suppose you stood in need of them. A mo-
ment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind
of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal
into execution. There might, gentlemen, be an Impro-
priety in my taking notice, in this address to you, of an
anonsrmous production, but the manner in which that per-
formance has been introduced to the army, the effect it
was intended to have, together with some other circum-
stances, will amply justify my observations on the ten-
dency of that writing. With respect to the advice given
by the author, to suspect the man who shall recommend
moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as
every man who regards that liberty and reveres that jus-
tice for which we contend, undoubtedly must ; for, if men
are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a
matter which may involve the most serious and alarming
consequences that can invite the consideration of man-
kind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech
may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may be led
like sheep to the slaughter.

" I cannot, in justice to my own belief and what I have
great reason to conceive i^ the intention of Congress, con-
93

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1474 WASHINGTON.

dude this address without giving it as my decided opinion
that that honorable body entertain exalted sentiments of
the services of the army, and from a full conviction of its
merits and sufferings will do it complete justice ; that their
endeavors to discover and establish funds for this purpose
has been unwearied, and will not cease till they have suc-
ceeded, I have not a doubt. But, like all other large
bodies where there is a variety of different interests to
reconcile, their determinations are slow. Why, then,
should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that dis-
trust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that
glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the
reputation of an army which is celebrated through all
Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? And for what is
this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No;
most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater
distance. For myself — and I take no merit in giving the
assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude,
veracity, and justice — a grateful sense of the confidence
you have ever placed in me, a recollection of the cheerful
assistance and prompt obedience I have experienced from
you under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere
affection I feel for an army I have so long had the honor
to command, will oblige me to declare in this public and
solemn manner that in the attainment of complete justice
for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of
every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the
great duty I owe my country, and those powers we are
bound to respect, you may freely command my services
to the utmost extent of my abilities. While I give you
these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivo-
cal manner to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in
your favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part,
not to take any measure, which, viewed in the calm light

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UFE AND TIMES. 1475

of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you
have hitherto maintained. Let me request you to rely
on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full con-
fidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress, that,
previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause
all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the
resolutions which were published to you two days ago;
and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in
their power to render ample justice to you for your faith-
ful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in
the name of our common country, as you value your own
sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and
as you regard the military and national character of Amer-
ica, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the
man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to over-
turn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly at-
tempts to open the floodgates of civil discord an3 deluge
our rising empire in blood.

" By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue
the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes ;
you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who
are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice.
You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled
patriotism and pdtient virtue, rising superior to the pres-
sure of the most complicated sufferings ; and you will, by
the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity
to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have
exhibited to mankind — * Had this day been wanting, the
world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which
human nature is capable of attaining.' "

After concluding this address, Washington read to the
meeting a letter from one of his frequent correspondents
in Congress, the Hon. Joseph Jones, pointing out the

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1476 WASHINGTUN.

difficulties Congress had to contend with, but expressing
the opinion that the claims of the army would, at all
events, be paid. When he got through with the first para-
graph of the letter he made a short pause, took out his
spectacles, and craved the indulgence of the audience while
he put them on, remarking, while he was engaged in that
operation, that "he had grown gray in their service, and
now found himself growing blind." The effect of such
remark from Washington, at such a moment, may be
imagined. It brought tears to the eyes of many a vet-
eran in that illustrious assemblage. When he had fin-
ished reading the letter he retired, leaving the officers to
deliberate and act as the crisis demanded.

On the present occasion, as on previous ones, Wash-
ington's appeal to the officers was successful. The senti-
ments uttered in his address, from a person whom the army
had been accustomed to love, to revere, and to obey —
the solidity of whose judgment and the sincerity of whose
zeal for their interests were alike unquestioned — could
not fail to be irresistible. No person was hardy enough
to oppose the advice he had given, and the general im-
pression was apparent. A resolution, moved by General
Knox and seconded by Brigadier-General Putnam, "as-
suring him that the officers reciprocated his affectionate
expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human
heart is capable," was unanimously voted. On the mo-
tion of General Putnam, a committee consisting of Gen-
eral Knox, Colonel Brooks, and Captain Howard was then
appointed to prepare resolutions on the business before
them, and to report in half an hour. The report of the
committee being brought in and considered, resolutions
were passed declaring that no circumstances of distress
should induce the officers to sully, by unworthy conduct,
the reputation acquired in their long and faithful service ;

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UFE AND TIMES. 1477

that they had undiminished confidence in the justice of
Congress and of their country ; and that the Commander-
in-Chief should be requested to write to the President of
Congress, earnestly entreating a speedy decision on the
late address forwarded by a committee of the army.

In compliance with the request of the officers, expressed
in the above-mentioned resolution, and with the pledge
which he had voluntarily given, Washington forthwith ad-
dressed the following letter to the President of Congress :

" The result of the proceedings of the grand convention
of the officers, which I have the honor of inclosing to your
Excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flatter
myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriot-
ism which could have been given by men who aspired to
the distinction of a patriot army, and will not only confirm
their claim to the justice but will increase their title to the
gratitude of their country. Having seen the proceedings
on the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity
and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being
impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for
those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully
suffered and fought under my immediate direction; hav-
ing, from motives of justice, duty, and gratitude, spon-
taneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights,
and, having been requested to write to your Excellency,
earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of Congress
upon the subjects of the late address from the army to
that honorable body, it now only remains for me to per-
form the task I have assumed, and to intercede in their
behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power will be
pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of,
and the confidence the army have reposed in, the justice
of their country. And here I humbly conceive it is alto-
gether unnecessary (while I am pleading the cause of an

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1478 WASHINGTON.

army which have done and suffered more than any other
army ever did in the defense of the rights and liberties of
human nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most
ample compensation for their meritorious services, because
they are known perfectly to the whole world, and because
(although the topics are inexhaustible) enough has already
been said on the subject. To prove these assertions, to
evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to
show what my ideas of the rewards in question have al-
ways been, I appeal to the archives of Congress, and call
on those sacred deposits to witness for me. And in order
that my observations and arg^uments in favor of a future
adequate provision for the officers of the army may be
brought to remembrance again and considered in a single
point of view, without giving Congress the trouble of hav-
ing recourse to their files, I will beg leave to transmit here-
with an extract from a representation made by me to a
committee of Congress, so long ago as the 29th of Janu-
ary, 1778, and also the transcript of a letter to the Presi-
dent of Congress, dated near Passaic Falls, October 11,
1780.

"That in the critical and perilous moment when the
last-mentioned communication was made there was the
utmost danger a dissolution of the army would have taken
place unless measures similar to those recommended had
been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the adoption
of the resolution granting half-pay for life has been at-
tended with all the happy consequences I had foretold,
so far as respected the good of the service, let the aston-
ishing contrast between the state of the army at this
instant and at the former period determine. And that
the establishment of funds and security of the payment
of all the just demands of the army will be the most certain
means of preserving the national faith and futtu'e tran-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1479

quillity of this extensive continent, is my decided
opinion.

" By the preceding remarks it will readily be imagined
that instead of retracting and reprehending (from further
experience and reflection) the mode of compensation so
strenuously urged in the inclosures, I am more and more
confirmed in the sentiment, and if in the wrong, suflfer
me to please myself with the grateful delusion.

" For if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a
further compensation is not due to the sufferings and
sacrifices of the oflScers, then have I been mistaken indeed.
If the whole army have not merited whatever a grateful
people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice
and built opinion on the basis of error. If this countiy
should not in the event perform everything which has been
requested in the late memorial to Congress, then will my
belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited
void of foundation. And if (as has been suggested for
the ptupose of inflaming their passions) the officers of the
army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution;'* if,
retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty,
wretchedness, and contempt; if they are to wade through
the vile mire of dependency and owe the miserable rem-
nant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent
in honor,' then shall I have learned what ingratitude is —
then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every
moment of my future life.

"But I am under no such apprehensions; a country
rescued by their arms from impending ruin will never leave
unpaid the debt of gratitude.

"Should any intemperate or improper warmth have
mingled itself amongst the foregoing observations, I must
entreat your Excellency and Congress it may be attributed
to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and
that my peculiar situation may be my apology, and I hope

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1480 WASHINGTON.

I need not on this momentous occasion make any new
protestations of personal disinterestedness, having ever
renounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The
consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge
my duty and the approbation of my country will be a
sufficient recompense for my services."

This energetic letter, connected with recent events, in-
duced Congress to decide on the claims of the army.
These were liquidated, and the amount acknowledged to
be due from the United States. Thus the country was once
more indebted to the wisdom and moderation of Washing-
ton for its preservation from imminent danger.

Soon after these events intelligence of a general peace
was received. The news came by a French vessel from
Cadiz, with a letter from Lafayette, who was then at that
place preparing for an expedition to the West Indies, un-
der Count d'Estaing. Shortly after. Sir Guy Carleton gave
official information to the same effect and announced a
cessation of hostilities. The joyful intelligence was noti-
fied by proclamation of Washington to the army, in the
camp at Newburg, on the 19th of April (1783), exactly
eight years after the commencement of hostilities at Lex-
ington. In general orders a public religious service and
thanksgiving was directed by him to take place on the
evening of the same day, when the proclamation was read
at the head of every regiment and corps of the army. The
immediate reduction of the army was resolved upon, but
the mode of effecting it required deliberation. To avoid
the inconveniences of dismissing a great number of sol-
diers in a body, furloughs were freely granted on the ap-
plication of individuals, and after their dispersion they were
not enjoined to return. By this arrangement a critical
moment was got over. A great part of an unpaid army
was dispersed over the States without tumult or disorder

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UFE AND TIMES. 1481

At the instance of Washington the soldiers were permitted
to carry home their arms, to be preserved and transmitted
to their posterity as memorials of the glorious war of
independence.

While the veterans serving under the immediate eye of
their beloved Commander-in-Chief manifested the utmost
good temper and conduct, a mutinous disposition broke
out among some new levies stationed at Lancaster, in
Pennsylvania. About eighty of this description marched
in a body to Philadelphia, where they were joined by some
other troops, so as to amount in the whole to 300. They
marched with fixed bayonets to the statehouse, in which
Congress and the State Executive Council held their ses-
sions. They placed guards at every door and threatened
the President and Council of the State with letting loose
an enraged soldiery upon them, unless they granted their
demands in twenty minutes. As soon as this outrage was
known to Washington, he detached General Howe with a
competent force to suppress the mutiny. This was effected
without bloodshed before his arrival. The mutineers were
too inconsiderable to commit extensive mischief, but their
disgraceful conduct excited the greatest indignation in
the breast of the Commander-in-Chief, which was ex-
pressed in a letter to the President of Congress in the
following words : " While I suflfer the most poignant dis-
tress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in
numbers, and equally so in point of service (if the veteran
troops from the southward have not been seduced by
their example), and who are not worthy to be called sol-
diers, should disgrace themselves and their country, as the
Pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the sov-
ereign authority of the United States, and that of their
own, I feel an inexpressible satisfaction that even this be-
havior cannot stain the name of the American soldiery.

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1482 WASHINGTON.

It cannot be imputable to or reflect dishonor on the army
at large, but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking con-
trast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops
in the most advantageous point of light Upon taking all
the circumstances into consideration, I cannot sufficiently
express my surprise and indignation at the arrogance, the
folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers ; nor can I suffi-
ciently admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism
which must forever signalize the unsullied character of
the other corps of our army. For when we consider that
these Pennsylvania levies who have now mutinied are re-
cruits and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat
and burden of war, and who can have in reality very few
hardships to complain of, and when we at the same time
recollect that those soldiers who have lately been fur-
loughed from this army, are the veterans who have pa-
tiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold; who have
suffered and bled without a murmur, and who, with per-
fect good order have retired to their homes without a
settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money in their
pockets, we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of
the latter as we are struck with detestation at the pro-
ceedings of the former."

On the occasion of disbanding the army, Washington
addressed a circular letter to the governors of all the
States, in which he gave his views of the existing state of
the country and the principles upon which the future fab-
ric of united government should be founded. It is one of
the most remarkable state papers ever produced in this
country.

Meantime Sir Guy Carleton was preparing to evacuate
the city of New York. On the 27th of April (1783) a
fleet had sailed for Nova Scotia with 7,000 persons and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1483

their effects. These were partly soldiers and partly Tories
exiled by the laws of the States.

On the 6th of May Washington had a personal interview
with Carletoi^ at Orangetown respecting the delivery of
the British ports in the United States, and of property
directed to be surrendered by an article of the treaty.

The independence of his country being established,
Washington looked forward with anxiety to its future
destinies. These might greatly depend on the systems to
be adopted on the return of peace, and to those systems
much of his attention was directed. The future peace es-
tablishment of the United States was one of the many
interesting subjects which claimed the consideration of
Congress. As the experience of Washington would cer-
tainly enable him to suggest many useful ideas on this
important point, his opinions respecting it were requested
by the committee of Congress to whom it was referred.
His letter on this occasion will long deserve the attention
of those to whom the interests of the United States may
be confided. His strongest hopes of securing the future
tranquillity, dignity, and respectability of his country were
placed on a well-regulated and well-disciplined militia; and
his sentiments on this subject are entitled to the more re-
gard as a long course of severe experience had enabled
him to mark the total incompetency of the existing sys-
tem to the great purposes of national defense.

At leng^ the British troops evacuated New York, and
on the 25th of November (1783) a detachment from the
American army took possession of that city.

Guards being posted for the security of the citizens,
Washington, accompanied by Governor George Qinton,
and attended by many civil and military officers and a
large number of respectable inhabitants on horseback, made
his public entry into the city, where he was received with

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1484 WASHINGTON.

every mark of respect and attention. His military course
was now on the point of terminating, and he was about to
bid adieu to his comrades in arms. This affecting inter-
view took place on the 4th of December. At noon the
principal officers of the army assembled at Frances' tavern,
soon after which their beloved Commander entered the
room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed.
Filling a glass, he turned to them and said, *' With a heart
full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most
devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous
and happy as your former ones have been glorious and
honorable." Having drunk, he added, " I cannot come to
each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each
of you will come and take me by the hand." General
Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incap-
able of utterance, grasped his hand and embraced him.
In the same affectionate manner h« took leave of each
succeeding officer. The tear of manly sensibility was in
every eye, and not a word was articulated to interrupt
the dignified silence and the tenderness of the scene.
Leaving the room, he passed through the corps of light
infantry and walked to Whitehall, where a barge waited
to convey him to Paulus Hook. The whole company fol-
lowed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected coun-
tenances, testif)dng feelings of delicious melancholy which
no language can describe. Having entered the barge he
turned to the company and, waving his hat, bid them
a silent adieu. They paid him the same affectionate com-
pliment, and, after the barge had left them, returned in the
same solemn manner to the place where they had
assembled.

Congress was then in session at Annapolis, in Maryland,
to which place Washington repaired for the purpose of
resigning into their hands the authority with which they

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had invested him. He arrived on the 19th of December
(1783). The next day he informed that body of his inten-
tion to ask leave to resign the commission he had the
honor of holding in their service, and requested to know
whether it would be their pleasure that he should offer his
resignation in writing or at an audience.

To give the more dignity to the act, they determined that
it should be offered at a public audience on the following
Tuesday, 23d of December, at 12.

When the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so
well calculated to recall the various interesting scenes
which had passed since the commission now to be returned
was granted, the gallery was crowded with spectators and
several persons of distinction were admitted on the floor
of Congress. The members remained seated and covered.
The spectators were standing and uncovered. Washington
was introducd by the secretary and conducted to a chair.
After a short pause the President, General Mifflin, in-
formed him that " the United States in Congress assembled
were prepared to receive his communications." With
native dignity, impiroved by the solemnity of the occasion,
Washington rose and delivered the following address:

" Mr. President. — The great events on which my res-
ignation depended having at length taken place, I have
now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to
Congress, and of presenting myself before them, to sur-
render into their hands the trust committed to me, and to
claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my
country.

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and
sovereignty, and pleased with an opportunity afforded the
United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign
with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffi-
dence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous

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1486 WASHINGTON.

a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in
rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power
of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven.

" The successful termination of the war has verified the
most sanguine expectations, and my gratitude for the
interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have re-
ceived from my countrymen increases with every review
of the momentous contest.

"While I repeat my obligations to the army in gen-
eral, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to
acknowledge in this place the peculiar services and distin-
guished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached
to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice
of confidential officers to compose my family should have
been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in
particular, those who have continued in the service to the
present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and
patronage of Congress.

" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last
act of my official life, by commending the interests of our
dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and
those who have the superintendence of them to His holy
keeping.

" Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire
from the great theater of action, and, bidding an affection-
ate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I
have so long acted, I here offer my commission and take
my leave of all the employments of public life."

After advancing to the chair and delivering his com-
mission to the President, he returned to his place and re-
ceived, standing, the following answer of Congress, which
was delivered by the President:

"Sir. — The United States, in Congress assembled, re-
ceive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn

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UFE AND TIMES. 1487

resignation of the authorities under which you have Ie3
their troops with success through a perilous and a doubt-
ful war. Called upon by your country to defend its in-
vaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had
formed alliances and whilst it was without funds or a
government to support you. You have conducted the
great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invar-
iably regarding the rights of the civil power through all
disasters and changes. You have, by the love and con-
fidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them to display
their martial genius and transmit their fame to posterity.
You have perserved until these United States, aided by a
magnanimous King and nation, have been enabled, under
a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and
independence, on which happy event we sincerely join you
in congratulations.

" Having defended the standard of liberty in this new
world, having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict
and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the
great theater of action with the blessings of your fellow-
citizens. But the glory of your virtues will not terminate
with your military command; it will continue to animate
remotest ages.

" We feel with you our obligations to the army in gen-
eral and will particularly charge ourselves with the inter-
ests of those confidential officers who have attended your
person to this affecting moment.

" We join you in commending the interests of our
dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, be-
seeching Him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens
to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming
a happy and respectable nation. And for you we address
to Him our earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be
fostered with all his care ; that your days may be as happy

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1488 WASHINGTON.

as they have been illustrious, and that he will finally give
you that reward which this world cannot give."

This scene being closed, a scene rendered peculiarly in-
teresting by the personages who appeared in it, by the
great events it recalled to the memory, and by the sing^ular-
ity of the circumstances under which it was displayed, the
American chief withdrew from the hall of Congress, leav-
ing the silent and admiring spectators deeply impressed
with those sentiments which its solemnity and dignity were
calculated to inspire.

Divested of his military character, Washington, on the
following day, set out for Mount Vernon to which favorite
residence he now retired, followed by the enthusiastic love,
esteem, and admiration of his countr3rmen. Relieved from
the agitations of a doubtful contest and from the toils of
an exalted station he returned with increased delight to
the duties and the enjoyments of a private citizen. He
indulged the hope that in the shade of retirement, under
the protection of a free government and the benignant in-
fluence of mild and equal laws, he might taste that felicity
which is the reward of a mind at peace with itself and
conscious of its own purity.*

* Gordon thus notices the settlement of Washington's accounts
with the government.

"Though General Washington was not stayed in his progress
to Philadelphia, by the Congress, who, on the ist of November,
had elected the Honorable Thomas Mifflin President, and three
days after had adjourned to meet at Annapolis in Maryland on
the 26th; yet it was the 8th of December, at noon, before Gen-
eral Washington arrived at the Capital of Pennsylvania. When
his intention of quitting the army was known he was compli-
mented and received with the utmost respect and affection, by
all orders of men, both civil and military. He remained some dajrs
in Philadelphia. While in the city he delivered in his accounts
to the comptroller, down to December the 13th, all in his own

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UFE AND TIMES. 1489

The document through which Washington, at the close
of the Revolution, left to the States whose trust he had

handwriting, and every entry made in the most particular manner,
stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trouble
in examining and comparing them with the vouchers with which
they were attended.

"The heads are as follows, copied from the folio manuscript
paper book, in the file of the treasury office, No. 3700, being a
black box of tin containing, under lock and key, both that and
the vouchers:

" Total of expenditures from 1^5 to 1785, exdusivt

of provisions from commissaries and contractors, £, t. 4*

and of liquors, &c., from them and others • 3387 14 4

Secret intelligence and service* 1982 10 o

Spent in reconnoitering and travelling 1874 8 8

Miscellaneous charges • 9952 10 z

Expended besides, dollars according to the scale of

depreciation « 6114 14 o

£16,311 17 1

" (General Washington's account) from June, 1775, to £. *. d.

the end of June, 1783 16,311 I7 i

Expenditure from July i, 1783, to Dec. 13 1717 5 4

(Added afterwards) from thence to Dec 28 213 8 4

Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses in coming to

the (jeneral and returning •,•••••••••.. 1064 i o

£19,306 II 9

" Lawful money of Virginia, the same as the Massachusetts,

or £i4»479 18 99^ sterling.
"The General entered in his book — ^'I find upon the final
adjustment of these accounts, that I am a considerable loser — my

* Two hundred guineas advanced to General M'Dougal are not included In the
j(s98a 10, not being yet settled, but included in lome of the other charges, and so
reckoned in the general sum.

NoTB.— 104,364, of the dollars were received after March, 2780, and although credited
forty for one, many did not fetch at the rate of a hundred for one, while 87,775 of
them are returned without deducting anjrthing from the above aoconnt (and therefore
actually made a present to the public).
94

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1490 WASHINGTON.

held, and whose work he had done, does not yield in in-
terest and importance to even the more famous Farewell
Address. It was sent to each of the Governors of the
several States, and was as follows:

Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of
All the States on Disbanding the Army.

" Headquarters, Newburg, June i8, 1783.
"Sir: — The object for which I had the honor to hold
an appointment in the service of my country being accom-
plished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hands of
Congress, and return to that domestic retirement, which,
it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a re-
tirement for which I have never ceased to sigh through
a long and painful absence, in which (remote from the
noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the
remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose: but,
before I carry this resolution into eflFect, I think it a duty

disbursements falling a good deal short of my receipts, and the
money I had upon hand of my own; for besides the sums I carried
with me to Cambridge in 1775, I received moneys afterward on
private account in 1777 and since, which (except small sums that
I had occasion now and then to apply to private uses) were all
expended in the public service: through hurry, I suppose, and the
perplexity of business (for I know not how else to account for the
deficiency) I have omitted to charge the same, whilst every debit
against me is here credited. July i, 1783/

" Happy would it have been for the United States had each per-
son who has handled public money been equally exact and
punctual!

" General Washington, after delivering in his accounts, hastened
to Annapolis, where he arrived on the evening of the 19th
December."

A fac-simile of the original account, filling many foolscap pages,
has been published; and copies were eagerly ordered by collectors
in Europe as well as the United States.

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UFE AND TIMES. 1491

incumbent on me to make this my last official communica-
tion, to congratulate you on the glorious events which
Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor; to offer
my sentiments respecting some important subjects, which
appear to me to be intimately connected with the tran-
quillity of the United States; to take my leave of your
Excellency as a public character; and to give my final
blessing to that country in whose service I have spent the
prime of my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many
anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness,
being extremely dear to me, will always constitute no
inconsiderable part of my own.

" Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing
occasion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more
copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When
we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for,
the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favorable man-
ner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest
possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a
theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent
and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be
considered as a source of present enjoyment, or the parent
of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to
felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has as-
signed us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or
moral point of light.

" The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable
condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract
of continent, comprehending all the various soils and cli-
mates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries
and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory
pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute free-
dom and independency: they are from this period to be
considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre.

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1493 WASHINGTON.

which seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence (or
the display of human greatness and felicity. Here they
are not only surrounded with every thing that can con-
tribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoy-
ment; but Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by
giving a surer opportunity for political happiness, than
any other nation has ever been favored with. Nothing
can illustrate these observations more forcibly than a recol-
lection of the happy conjuncture of times and circum-
stances under which otir republic assumed its rank among
the nations. The foundation of our empire was not laid
in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an
epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood
and more clearly defined, than at any former period. Re-
searches of the human mind after social happiness have
been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge
acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legis-
lators, through a long succession of years, are laid open
for us, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied
in the establishment erf our forms of government The free
cultivation of letters, the unbounded extension of com-
merce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing
liberality of sentiment; and, above sill, the pure and benign
light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence on
mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this
auspicious period, the United States came into existence
as a nation; and if their citizens should not be completely
free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.

" Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But
notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out
to us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a dis-
position to seize the occasion, and make it our own; yet
it appears to me there is an option still left to the United
States of America, whether they will be respectable and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1493

prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation.
This is the time of their political probation; this is the mo-
ment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon
them; this is the time to establish or ruin their national
character forever; this is the favorable moment to give such
a tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer
the ends of its institution; or, this may be the ill-fated mo-
ment for relaxing the powers of the tmion, annihilating the
cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become
the sport of European politics, which may play one State
against another, to prevent their growing importance, and
to serve their own interested purposes. For, according to
the system of policy the States shall adopt at this moment,
they will stand or fall; and, by their confirmation or lapse,
it is yet to be decided, whether the Revolution must ulti-
mately be considered as a blessing or a curse: — a blessing
or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate
will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

" With this conviction of the importance of the present
crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will therefore
speak to your Excellency the language of freedom and sin-
cerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, those who
differ from me in political sentiments may, perhaps, re-
mark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and
they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation,
what I know alone is the result of the purest intention.
But the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such
unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in life;
the determination I have formed of not taking any share
in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and
shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private
life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and
liberal government, will, I flatter myself, sooner or later,
convince my^ cotmtrymen, that I could have no sinister

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1494 WASHINGTON.

views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions con-
tained in this address.

"There are four things which I humbly conceive are
essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say to
the existence, of the United States as an independent
porwer.

" 1st. An indissoluble union of the States tmder one fed-
eral head.

" 2dly. A sacred regard to public justice.

"3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment
And,

" 4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly dispo-
sition among the people of the United States, which will
induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies;
to make those mutual concessions ^ich are requisite to
the general prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice
their individual advantages to the interest of the com-
munity.

" These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our
independency and national character must be supported.
Liberty is the basis; and whoever would dare to sap the
foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever
specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest
execration, and the severest punishment, which can be in-
flicted by his injured coimtry.

" On the three first articles I will make a few observa-
tions; leaving the last to the good sense and serious con-
sideration of those immediately concerned.

" Under the first head, although it may not be neces-
sary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particu-
lar disquisition of the principles of the union, and to take
up the great question which has been frequently agitated,
whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to
delegate a larger portion of power to Congress, or not;

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UFE AND TIMES. 1496

yet it wUl be a part of my duty, and that of every true
patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist upon the
following positions: — That unless the States will suffer
Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubt-
edly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must
very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion: That it is
indispensable to the happiness of the individual States,
that there should be lodged, somewhere, a supreme power
to regulate and govern the general concerns of the con-
federated Republic, without which the union cannot be of
long duration: That there must be a faithful and pointed
compliance on the part of every State with the late pro-
posals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal con-
sequences will ensue: That whatever measures have a ten-
dency to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or
lessen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered as
hostile to the liberty and independence of America, and
the authors of them treated accordingly. And, lastly, that
unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the States
to participate of the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy
the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of gov-
ernment so free 2nd uncorrapted, so happily guarded
against the danger ot oppression, as has been devised and
adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a sub-
ject of regret that so much blood and treasure have been
lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been
encountered without a compensation; and that so many
sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considera-
tions might here be adduced to prove, that without an en-
tire conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as
an independent power. It will be sufficient for my pur-
pose to mer'.lon but one or two, which seem to me of the
greatest importance. It is only in our united character, as
{tn empire, thiit our independence i$ acknowledged that our

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1496 WASHINGTON.

power can be regarded, or our credit supported amoog
foreign, nations. The treaties of the European powers
with the United States of America, wiU have no validity
on a dissolution of the union. We shall be left neariy in
a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy
experience, that there is a natural and necessary progres-
sion from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyr-
anny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established
on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

•' As to the second article, which respects the perform-
ance of public justice, Congress have, in their late address
to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they
have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the
obligations the States are under to render complete justice
to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and en-
ergy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honor and
independency of America can hesitate a single moment
respecting the propriety of complying with the just and
honorable measures proposed. If their arguments do not
produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have
greater influence, especially when we reflect that the sys-
tem referred to, being the result of the ccilected wisdom
of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly
the least objectionable of any that could be devised; and
that, if it should not be carried into immediate execution,
a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences,
will take place before any different plan can possibly be
pr<^)osed or adopted; so pressing are the present circum-
stances, and such is the alternative now offered to the
States.

" The ability of the country to discharge the debts which
have been incurred in its defense, is not to be doubted;
and inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The
path of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found,

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UFE AND TIMES. 149?

an every experiment to be the best and only true policy.
Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public con-
tracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make
for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good
faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private
engagements. In the mean time, let an attention to the
cheerful performance of their proper business, as individu-
als, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on
the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the
bands of government, and be happy under its protection.
Every one will reap the fruit erf his labors: every one will
enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation and with-
out danger.

*' In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security,
who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to
support the common interests of society, and insure the
protection of government? Who does not remember the
frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, that
we should be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of
one half, we could defend the remainder of our posses-
sions? Where is the man to be found, who wishes to
remain in debt, for the defence of his own person and
property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of
others, without making one generous effort to pay the
debt of honor and of gratitude? In what part of the con-
tinent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would
not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely
calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public
creditor of his due? And were it possible that such a
flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it
not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down
upon the authors of such measures the aggravated ven-
geance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a
temper of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself

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1498 WASHINGTON.

in any of the States; if such an ungracious disposition
should attempt to frustrate all the happy eflfects that might
be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a
refusal to comply with requisitions for funds to discharge
the annual interest of the public debts ; and if that refusal
should revive all those jealousies, and produce all those
evils, which are now happily removed, Congress, who have
in all their transactions shown a great degree erf magnanim-
ity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of God
and man ! and that State alone, which puts itself in opposi-
tion to the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows
such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be responsible
for all the consequences.

" For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a
servant of the public, in the manner I conceived best suited
to promote the real interests of my country; having, in
consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged
myself to the army that their country would finally do them
complete and ample justice; and not wishing to conceal
any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the
world, I have thought proper to transmit to your Excel-
lency the inclosed collection of papers, relative to the
half-pay and commutation granted by Congress to the
officers of the army. From these communications my de-
cided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together
with the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early
period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the
most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of
Congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and con-
tain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the
prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by
any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just
to observe, that the resolutions of Congress now alluded
to, are fis u^dpubt^dly and absolutely binding upon th«

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United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or
legislation.

"As to the idea which, I am informed, has in some
instances prevailed, that the half-pay and conmiutation are
to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it
ought to be exploded forever: that provision should be
viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation oflEered
by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give
to officers of the army, for services then to be performed.
It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the
service. It was a part of their hire ; I may be allowed to
say, it was the price of their blood, and of your independ-
ency. It is therefore more than a common debt; it is a
debt of honor : it can never be considered as a pension, or
gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged.

"With regard to the distinction between officers and
soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every
nation of the world, combined with our own, proves the
utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards in
proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are
unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the
soldiers have perhaps, generally, had as ample compensa-
tion for their services, by the large bounties which have
been paid them, as their officers will receive in the pro-
posed commutation ; in others, if, besides the donation of
land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages (in
which articles all the component parts of the army must
be put upon the same footing), we take into the estimate
the bounties many of the soldiers have received, and the
gratuity of one year's full pay, which is promised to all,
possibly their situation (every circumstance being duly
considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of
the officers. Should a further reward, however, be judged
equitable, I will venture to assert, no man will wjoy

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greater satisfaction than myself, — in an exemption from
taxes for a limited time (which has been petitioned for in
some instances), or any other adequate immunity or com-
pensation granted to the brave defenders of their country's
cause. But neither the adoption or rejection of this propo-
sition will, in any manner, affect, much less militate against,
the act of Congress by which they have offered five years'
full pay in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been be-
fore promised to the officers of the army.

" Before I conclude the subject on public justice, I can-
not omit to mention the obligations this cotmtry is under
to the meritorious class of veterans, the non-commissioned
officers and privates, who have been discharged for in-
ability, in consequence of the resolution of Congress of
the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life.
Their peculiar sufferings, Iheir singular merits and claims
to that provision, need only to be known to interest the
feelings of htunanity in their behalf. Nothing but a punc-
tual payment of their annual allowance can rescue them
from the most complicated misery; and nothing could be
a more melancholy and distressing sight than to behold
those who have shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the
service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend,
and without the means of obtaining any of the comforts
or necessaries of life, compellea to beg their bread daily
from door to door. Suffer me to recommend those of this
description, belonging to your State, to the warmest
patronage of your Excellency and yoiu" legislature.

" It is necessary to say but a few words on the third
topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly
the defence of the republic — as there can be little doubt
but Congress will recommend a proper peace establish-
ment for the United States, in which a due attention will
be paid to the importance of placing the militia pf the

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LIFE AND TIMES. 1501

Union upon a regular and respectable footing. If this
should be the case, I should beg leave to urge the great
advantage of it in the strongest terms.

" The militia of this country must be considered as the
palladium of our security, and the first eflfectual resort in
case of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the same
system should pervade the whole ; that the formation and
discipline of the militia of the continent should be abso-
lutely uniform ; and that the same species of arms, accoutre-
ments, and military apparatus should be introduced in
every part of the United States. No one, who has not
learned it from experience, can conceive the diffictdty, ex-
pense, and confusion which result from a contrary system,
or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed.

" If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than
usual has been taken in the course of the address, the im-
portance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in
discussion, must be my apology. It is, however, neither
my wish nor expectation that the preceding observations
should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear
to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the im-
mutable rules of justice, calculated to produce a liberal
system of policy, and founded on whatever experience may
have been acquired by a long and close attention to public
business. Here I might speak with more confidence, from
my actual observations ; and if it would not swell this letter
(already too prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed
myself, I could demonstrate to every mind, open to con-
viction, that in less time, and with much less expense than
has been incurred, the war might have been brought to the
same happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent
could have been properly called forth ; that the distresses
and disappointments which have very often occurred have,
in too many instances, resulted more from a want of en-

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150^ WASHINGTON.

ergy in the continental government, than a deficiency of
means in the particular States ; that the inefficiency of the
measures, arising from the want of an adequate authority
in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the
requisitions of Congress in some of the States, and from a
failure of punctuality in others, while they tended to damp
the zeal of those who were more willing to exert them-
selves, served also to accumulate the expenses of the war,
and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the
discouragement occasioned by the complicated diffictdties
and embarrassments in which our affairs were by this
means involved, would have long ago produced the dis-
solution of any army, less patient, less virtuous, and less
persevering than that which I have had the honor to com-
mand. But while I mention those things which are no-
torious facts, as the defects of our federal constitution,
particularly in the prosecution of a war, I beg it may be
understood, that as I have ever taken a pleasure in grate-
fully acknowledging the assistance and support I have de-
rived from every class of citizens, so shall I always be
happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the
individual States, on many interesting occasions.

" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make
known, before I surrendered up my public trust to those
who committed it to me. The task is now accomplished.
I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as the chief magistrate
of your State ; at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the
cares of office, and all the employments of public life.

" It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that
your Excellency will communicate these sentiments to
your legislature at their next meeting; and that they may
be considered as the legacy of one who has ardently
wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and

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UFE AND TIMES. 1503

who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to im-
plore the divine benediction upon it.

" I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have
you, and the State over which you preside, in his holy
protection ; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens
to cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to gov-
ernment; to entertain a brotherly aflFection and love for
one another ; for their fellow-citizens of the United States
at large, and particularly for their brethren who have
served in the field; and, finally, that he would most
g^ciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love
mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity. Humility,
and pacific temper of the mind, which were the character-
istics of the divine Author of our blessed religion ; without
an humble imitation of whose example, in tliese things, we
can never hope to be a happy nation.

" I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect,
sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble
servant,

"Geo. Washington."

Note.— On the 3d of September, 1783, the Definitive Treaty of
Peace, between Great Britain and the United States of America,
was signed at Paris, by David Hartley, Esq., on the part of his
Britannic Majesty, and by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and
John Jay, Esqs., on the part of the United States. The treaty was
ratified by Congress early in January, 1784.

In thb Name of thb Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.

It having pleased the Divine Providence to dispose the hearts
of the most serene and most potent prince, George the Third, by
the grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Arch-
Treasurer and Prince Elector of the holy Roman empire, etc., and
of the United States of America, to forget all past misunderstand-
ings and differences that have unhappily interrupted the good

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1504 WASHINGTON.

correspondence and friendship which they mutually wish to restore,
and to establish such a beneficial and satisfactory intercourse
between the two countries, upon the ground of reciprocal advan-
tages and mutual convenience, as may promote and secure to
both perpetual peace and harmony; and having for this desirable
end already laid the foundation of peace and reconciliation, by the
provisional articles signed at Paris, on the 30th of November,
1782, by the commissioners empowered on each part; which arti-
cles were agreed to be inserted in, and to constitute the treaty of
peace proposed to be concluded between the crown of Great
Britain and the said United States, but which treaty was not to
be concluded until the terms of peace should be agreed upon
between Great Britain and France, and his Britannic majesty
should be ready to conclude such treaty accordingly; and the
treaty between Great Britain and France having since been con-
cluded, his Britannic majesty and the United States of America,
in • order to carry into full effect the provisional articles above
mentioned, according to the tenor thereof, have constituted and
appointed, that is to say, his Britannic majesty on his part, David
Hartley, Esq., member of the Parliament of Great Britain; and
the said United States on their part, John Adams, Esq., late a
commissioner of the United States of America at the court of
Versailles, late delegate in Congress from the State of Massachu-
setts, and chief-justice of the said State, and minister plenipoten-
tiary of the said United States to their high mightinesses the
States General of the United Netherlands; Benjamin Franklin,
Esq., late delegate in Congress from the State of Pennsylvania,
president of the Convention of the said State, and minister pleni-
potentiary from the United States of America at the court of Ver-
sailles; and John Jay, Esq., late president of Congress, and chief-
justice of the State of New York, and minister plenipotentiary
from the said United States at the court of Madrid; to be the
plenipotentiaries for the concluding and signing the present defini-
tive treaty; who» after having reciprocally communicated their
respective full powers, have agreed upon and confirmed the fol-
lowing articles.

Art. I. — His Britannic majesty acknowledges the said United
States, viz.. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island
and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,

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UFE AND TIMES. 1505

South Carolinai and Georgia, to be free, sovereign, and independ-
ent States; that he treats them as such, and for himself, his heirs,
and successors, relinquishes all claim to the government, propri-^
etary, and territorial right of the same, and every part thereof.

Art. II. — And that all disputes which might arise in future on
the subject of the boundaries of the said United States may be
prevented, it is hereby agreed and declared that the following are
and shall bp their boundaries, viz.: from the northwest angle of
Nova Scotia, viz., that angle which is formed by a line drawn
due north from the source of St. Croix River to the high lands
which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river
St Lawrence from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to
the northwestemmost head of Connecticut River; thence drawn
along the middle of that river to the forty-fifth degree of north
latitude; from thence by a line due west on said latitude, until it
strikes the river Iroquois or Cataraquy; thence along the middle
of said river into Lake Ontario; through the middle of said lake
until it strikes the communication by water between that lake
and Lake Erie; thence along the middle of the said communica-
tion into Lake Erie, through the middle of said lake, until it
arrives at the water communication between that lake and Lake
Huron; thence through the middle of said lake to the water com-
munication between that lake and Lake Superior; thence through
Lake Superior northward to the isles Royal and Philipeaux, to
the Long Lake; thence through the middle of said Long Lake,
and the water communication between it and the Lake of the
Woods, to the said Lake of the Woods; thence through the said
lake to the most northwestemmost point thereof, and from thence
a due west course to the river Mississippi; thence by a line to be
drawn along the middle of the said river Mississippi, until it shall
intersect the northernmost part of the thirty-first degree of north
latitude; south, by a line to be drawn due east from the determi-
nation of the line last mentioned, in the latitude of thirty-one
degrees north of the equator, to the middle of the river Apalachi-
cola or Catahouche; thence along the middle thereof, to its junc-
tion with the Flint River; thence straight to the head of St. Mary's
River, and thence down the middle of St. Mary's River to the
Atlantic Ocean; east, by a line to be drawn along the middle of
the River St. Croix, from its mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its
source, and from its source directly north to the aforesaid high
lands, which divide the rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean
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1506 WASHINGTON.

!rom those which fall into the .river St Lawrence, comprehending
all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the
United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from
the points where the aforesaid boundaries between Nova Scotia
on the one part, and east Florida on the other, shall respectively
touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting such
islands as now are or heretofore have been within the limits of
the said province of Nova Scotia.

Art. III. — It is agreed, that the people of the United States
shall continue to enjoy, unmolested, the right to take fish of
every kind on the Great Bank, and on all the other banks of
Newfoundland; also in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and at all other
places in the sea where the inhabitants of both countries used at
any time heretofore to fish; and also that the inhabitants of the
United States shall have liberty to take fish of every kind on such
part of the coast of Newfoundland as British fishermen shall use
(but not to dry or cure the same on that island), and also on the
coasts, bays, and creeks of all other of his Britannic majesty's
dominions in America; and that the American fishermen shall
have liberty to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, har-
bors, and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Labrador,
so long as the same shall remain unsettled; but as soon as the
same shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen
to dry or cure fish at such settlement, without a previous agree-
ment for that purpose with the inhabitants, proprietors, or pos-
sessors of the ground.

Art. IV. — It is agreed, that the creditors, on either side, shall
meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value
in sterling money of all bona Ude debts heretofore contracted.

Art. V. — It is agreed, that Congress shall earnestly recommend
it to the legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the
restitution of all estates, rights, and properties, which have been
confiscated, belonging to real British subjects; and also of the
estates, rights, and properties of persons resident in districts in
the possession of his majesty's arms, and who have not borne
arms against the United States; and that persons of any other
description shall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of any
'Of the thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelve months
/Unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such
•of their estates, rights, and properties as may have been confis-

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UFE AND TIMES. 1607

cated; and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the
several States a reconsideration and revision of all acts or laws
regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts per-
fectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that
spirit of conciliation which, on the return of the blessings of peace,
should invariably prevail; and that Congress shall also earnestly
recommend to the several States, that the estates, rights, and
properties of such last-mentioned persons shall be restored to
them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in posses-
sion, the bona fide price (where any has been g^ven) which such
persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights,
or properties, since the confiscation. And it is agreed, that all
persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts,
marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful
impediment in the prosecution of their just rights.

Art. VI. — That there shall be no future confiscations made, nor
any prosecutions commenced against any person or persons, for
or by reason of the part which he or they may have taken in the
present war; and that no person shall on that account suffer any
future loss or damage, either in his person, liberty, or property;
and that those who may be in confinement on such charges, at
the time of the ratification of the treaty in America, shall be
immediately set at liberty, and the prosecutions so commenced
be discontinued.

Art. VII. — There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between
his Britannic majesty and the said United States, and between the
subjects of the one and the citizens of the other; wherefore all
hostilities, both by sea and land, shall from henceforth cease; all
prisoners, on both sides, shall be set at liberty; and his Britannic
majesty shall, with all convenient speed, and without causing any
destruction, or carrying away any neg^'oes or other property of
the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and
fleets from the said United States, and from every post, place, and
harbor within the same, leaving in all fortifications the American
artillery that may be therein; and shall also order and cause all
archives, records, deeds, and papers belonging to any of the said
States, or their citizens, which in the course of the war may have
fallen into the hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored, and
delivered to the proper States and persons to whom they belong.

Art. VIII.— The navigation of the river Mississippi, from its

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1508 WASHINGTON,

source to the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the
subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States.

Art. IX. — In case it should so happen that any place or terri-
tory, belonging to Great Britain or to the United States, should
have been conquered by the arms of either from the other, before
the arrival of the said provisional articles in America, it is agreed
that the same shall be restored without difficulty and without
requiring any compensation.

Art. X. — The solemn ratifications of the present treaty, expe-
dited in good and due form, shall be exchanged between the con-
tracting parties in the space of six months, or sooner, if possible,
to be computed from the day of the signature of the present treaty.

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